Jack Lynch
John Mary "Jack" Lynch (15 August 1917 – 20 October 1999) was the Taoiseach of Ireland, serving two terms in office; from 1966 to 1973 and 1977 to 1979.
Lynch was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Teachta Dála (TD) for Cork in 1948, and was re-elected at each general election until his retirement in 1981. He previously served as Minister for Finance (1965–1966), Minister for Industry and Commerce (1959–1965), Minister for Education (1957–1959), Minister for the Gaeltacht (1957) and as a Parliamentary Secretary. He was the third leader of Fianna Fáil from 1966 until 1979, succeeding the hugely influential Seán Lemass. Lynch was the last Fianna Fáil leader to secure (in 1977) an overall majority in the Dáil. Historian and journalist T. Ryle Dwyer has called him "the most popular Irish politician since Daniel O'Connell."
Prior to his political career Lynch had a successful sporting career as a dual player of Gaelic games. He played hurling with his local club Glen Rovers and with the Cork senior inter-county team from 1936 until 1950. Lynch also played Gaelic football with his local club St. Nicholas' and with the Cork senior inter-county team from 1936 until 1946. He is widely regarded
as one of the greatest dual players of all-time.
In a senior inter-county hurling career that lasted for fourteen years, he won five All-Ireland titles, seven Munster titles, three National Hurling League titles and seven Railway Cup titles. In a senior inter-county football career that lasted for ten years Lynch won one All-Ireland title, two Munster titles and one Railway Cup title. Lynch was later named at midfield on the GAA Hurling Team of the Century and the GAA Hurling Team of the Millennium
John Mary Lynch was born on 15 August 1917, just yards from the famous Shandon bells and St. Anne's in Cork City.
The youngest of five boys, with two girls born after him, Jack, as he
was known, was generally regarded as the "wild boy" of the family. He
was educated at St. Vincent's Convent on Peacock Lane, and later at the
famous "North Mon", the North Monastery Christian Brothers
School. When Lynch was just thirteen years old his mother died
suddenly. Lynch, who had been particularly close to his mother, was
deeply affected by her death. His aunt, who herself had a family of six,
stepped in to look after the family in this time of great upheaval for
them. Lynch sat his Leaving Certificate in 1936, after which he moved to Dublin and worked with the Dublin District Milk Board, before returning to Cork to take up a position in the Circuit Court Office.
Lynch began working at the Cork Circuit Court as a clerk while still
only nineteen years old. His work in the court ignited his interest in
law and in 1941 he began a night course at University College Cork studying law. After two years in UCC he moved to Dublin to complete his studies at King's Inns.
While continuing his studies he started work with the Department of
Justice. In 1945 Lynch was called to the Bar and had to decide whether
to remain in his Civil Service job or practice as a barrister. Lynch
made the decision (literally on the toss of a coin) to move back to Cork
and began a private practice on the Cork Circuit.
It was in 1943, while on holidays in Glengariff,
West Cork, that Lynch met his future wife, Máirín O'Connor, the
daughter of a Dublin judge. Lynch was to be her first and only
boyfriend, and the couple were married three years later on 10 August
1946. Although she was apprehensive about her husband's decision to
become active in politics, to become a Minister and even to become Taoiseach,
she stood by him through it all and helped him make the tough decisions
that would affect Lynch's life and her own. One story exists where
Lynch, in spite of tremendous pressure from Seán Lemass and the entire Fianna Fáil
party to stand for the leadership, only accepted the nomination after
Máirín had agreed. The fact that the couple didn't have any children
allowed Lynch to embark on a political career, without having to worry
about his commitment to the family. However, he remained totally devoted
to Máirín throughout his, and she became just as easily recognisable as
her husband.
From an early age, Lynch showed an enormous interest and great accomplishment as a sportsman. Rugby union, soccer, swimming and handball were all favourite pastimes for Lynch, however it was the sports of Gaelic football and hurling where Lynch showed particular flair.
Lynch played his club hurling with the famous Glen Rovers
club in the Blackpool area of Cork city. He enjoyed much success at
underage levels, winning back-to-back minor county championship titles
in 1933 and in 1934 as captain. That same year Lynch won his first
senior county hurling championship
with "the Glen." It was the first of a record-breaking eight county
titles in-a-row for Glen Rovers and for Lynch, who served as captain of
the side on a number of occasions. He finished off his club hurling
career by winning a further three county medals in succession in 1948,
1949 and 1950.
Lynch also played club football with "the Glen’s" sister club St. Nicholas.
Once again he enjoyed a successful underage career, winning
back-to-back county minor titles in 1932 and 1933. Lynch won an
intermediate county title in 1937, before adding a senior county football championship
medal to his collection in 1938. Lynch won his second county football
medal with "St. Nick’s" in 1941. While working in Dublin in the
mid-1940s Lynch played club football with the Civil Service GAA team. In
1944 he won a Dublin Senior Football Championship title, alongside fellow Munster native Mick Falvey.
By the late 1930's, Lynch was a dual player with the Cork
senior hurling and senior football teams. In 1939 he became the only
player, in history to captain both the inter-county football and hurling
teams in the same year. That year he won his first Munster hurling title, however, Kilkenny later accounted for Cork in the famous "thunder and lightning" All-Ireland final. In 1939 and 1940 Lynch guided Cork to back-to-back National Hurling League
titles, however, the 1941 championship was severely hampered due to an
outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease. Cork only had to play two games to
be crowned All-Ireland hurling champions, however, they lost the delayed Munster hurling final to Tipperary.
In 1942, Lynch was selected as Cork hurling captain once again. That
year he captured his second set of Munster and All-Ireland medals. 1943
proved to be a successful year for Lynch as he won a third Munster
hurling medal and a first Munster
football medal. While the footballers were later defeated in the
All-Ireland semi-final, Lynch’s hurling team went on to win a third
All-Ireland title in-a-row. In 1944 Lynch captured his fourth Munster
hurling title. Later that year Cork created a piece of sporting history
by becoming the first team to win four All-Ireland hurling titles
in-a-row. Lynch was one of the heroes of the team who played in all four
finals.
In 1945, Cork surrendered their provincial hurling crown, however,
Lynch, as a member of the Cork senior football team won his second Munster football title. Cork later defeated Cavan in the All-Ireland final, giving Lynch his first, and only, All-Ireland
football medal. In 1946 the Cork hurlers returned to their winning ways
and Lynch claimed a fifth provincial hurling title. A fifth All-Ireland
hurling medal was later added to his collection following a defeat of
old rivals Kilkenny I the final. On that September day in 1946 Lynch
made Irish sporting history by becoming the first, and to date the only,
player to win six consecutive senior All-Ireland medals (five in
hurling and one in football).
Lynch captured a sixth Munster hurling medal in 1947 before going on
to play in his seventh All-Ireland hurling final in less than a decade.
The game itself against Kilkenny has often been described as the
greatest All-Ireland final ever played, however, Lynch ended up on the
losing side by a single point. There was some consolation at the start
of 1948 as Lynch claimed another National Hurling League medal, however,
Tipperary
quickly became the dominant force in the Munster Championship. Lynch
retired from inter-county hurling in 1950. He had retired from
inter-county football several years earlier.
Even at the height of his career, Lynch had come to be regarded as one of the all-time greats of Gaelic games.
His contribution to the game of hurling was first recognised when he
was named as the "Hurling Captain of the Forties". In the centenary year
of the Gaelic Athletic Association in 1984 Lynch was named on the "Hurling Team of the Century". At the special centenary All-Ireland final in Semple Stadium
he received one of the loudest cheers and rounds of applause when all
the former All-Ireland winning hurling captains were introduced to the
crowd. Shortly after his death in 1999 Lynch’s reputation as one of the
true greats of the game was further cemented when he was named on the
"Hurling Team of the Millennium".
In 1981, he won an All-Time All-Star Award since there was no All-Star Award's during his playing days.
In 1946, Lynch had his first brush with politics when he was asked by his local Fianna Fáil cumann to stand for the Dáil
in a by-election. He declined on this occasion, due to his lack of
political experience, but indicated that he would be interested in
standing in the next general election. In 1947, Lynch refused a similar
offer to stand by the new political party Clann na Poblachta. A general election was eventually called for February 1948, Lynch topped the poll for the Cork Borough constituency and became a Fianna Fáil TD in the 13th Dáil.
Although Fianna Fáil lost the election and were out of power for the
first time in sixteen years, Lynch became speech writer and research
assistant for the party leader, Éamon de Valera.
In 1951, Fianna Fáil were back in power and Lynch was appointed Parliamentary Secretary to the Government, with special responsibility for Gaeltacht
areas. The party was out of power again between 1954 and 1957. During
this period Lynch served as Fianna Fáil spokesperson on the Gaeltacht.
After the 1957 general election Fianna Fáil returned to power and de Valera headed his last government. Lynch, at 39, became the youngest member to join the government, as Minister for Education,
as well as holding the Gaeltacht portfolio for a short while. Lynch
introduced innovative legislation, such as raising the school leaving
age; reducing school class sizes; removing a ban on married women
working as teachers and allowing the Jewish skull cap to be worn but
only from the age of 12.
In 1959, de Valera was elected President of Ireland and Seán Lemass became the new Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader. Lynch was promoted to Lemass' old portfolio as Minister for Industry and Commerce.
Here he inherited the most dynamic department in the government,
however, having replaced such a political giant, Lynch felt that his own
scope for change was severely limited. Lynch was described as not being
the most innovative of ministers but was particularly attentive when it
came to legislation and detail. It was in this department where Lynch
worked closely with Lemass and T. K. Whitaker
in generating economic growth and implementing the Programme for
Economic Expansion. He was also noted for his astuteness in solving
several industrial disputes during his tenure at the Department.
In 1965, Lemass was once again re-elected Taoiseach. The big change was the retirement of such political heavyweights as James Ryan and Seán MacEntee, with Lynch taking over from the former as Minister for Finance.
This appointment was particularly significant because Lemass was coming
to the end of his premiership and wanted to prepare a successor. As a
result Lynch took charge of the second most important position in the
Government, gaining widespread experience in a number of affairs, and
accompanying Lemass to London to sign one of the most important trade
agreements between Ireland
and the United Kingdom. One occasion in which Lynch's authority was
seen to be undermined as Minister for Finance was when the Minister for
Education, Donogh O'Malley,
announced that the government would provide free secondary school
education for all. This proposal had not been discussed at Cabinet level
as would be required to fund such a service. It subsequently transpired
that Lemass had previously agreed the decision without cabinet
discussion as was required.
Lemass retired in 1966 after 7 years in the position and a leadership
race (the first contested race in the history of the party) threatened
to tear Fianna Fáil apart. Lynch, and another favourite of Lemass's, Patrick Hillery, ruled themselves out of the leadership election from the very beginning, however, other candidates such as Charles Haughey, George Colley and Neil Blaney
threw their hats into the ring immediately. None of the candidates that
were being offered to the party seemed particularly appealing and
Lemass' made one last attempt to coax either Hillery or Lynch to join
the race as a compromise candidate. Hillery remained adamant that he did
not want the leadership and eventually Lynch allowed his name to go
forward. Upon hearing this Haughey and Blaney, the latter having never
really entered the race in the first place, withdrew and announced their
support for Lynch. Colley refused to withdraw and when it was put to a
ballot Lynch comfortably defeated him by 52 votes to 19. Lynch was thus
elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil on 10 November 1966.
The Lynch succession however, was not a smooth one. Three men had
openly expressed ambitions to be Taoiseach, Haughey, Blaney and Colley.
Three other cabinet ministers had also contemplated running - Brian Lenihan, Kevin Boland and Donogh O'Malley.
Because Lynch was elected as somewhat of a "compromise candidate" it appeared to many that he would only remain as an interim Taoiseach.
This thought could not be further from his mind, and he outlined this
intentions shortly after coming to power. Lynch took particular
exception to the title "Interim Taoiseach" or "Reluctant Taoiseach". He
had no intention of stepping aside after a few years in favour of one of
the other candidates who had been unsuccessful against him in 1966. He
was however reluctant in naming his first Cabinet. He believed that the
existing members of the government owed their positions to Lemass, and
so he retained the entire Cabinet, albeit with some members moving to
different departments. Lynch adopted a chairman-like approach to
government allowing his Ministers a free run in their respective
Departments. He continued the modernising and liberal approach that
Lemass had begun, albeit at a slower pace. Lynch was lucky in the timing
of Lemass's resignation. The new Taoiseach now had almost a full Dáil
term before the next general election.
With Fianna Fáil having been in power for eleven years by 1968, Lynch was persuaded once again to make an attempt to abolish the proportional representation
method of voting in general elections in favour of a
first-past-the-post system like in the United Kingdom. However, the
campaign generated little enthusiasm, even within Fianna Fáil. Fine Gael and the Labour Party opposed the referendum when it transpired that Fianna Fáil could win up to 80 or 90 seats in a 144 seat Dáil
if the motion was passed. Much like 1959, when the party tried to make
the same referendum, the electorate believed this to be an attempt to
institutionalise Fianna Fáil in power, and thus they rejected the motion
put to them. This cast doubts on Lynch and his ability to win a general
election, however, he proved his critics wrong in the 1969 general election
when Fianna Fáil won its first overall majority since Éamon de Valera
in 1957, and Lynch proved himself to be a huge electoral asset for the
party.
Northern Ireland,
and Lynch's attitude to the situation which was about to develop there
would come to define his first tenure as Taoiseach. Lynch continued
Lemass's approach in regard to relations with Northern Ireland. Better
relations had been forged between the two parts of Ireland with
co-operation between Ministers on several practical issues such as
trade, agriculture and tourism. In December 1967 Lynch travelled to Stormont for his first meeting with the Prime Minister Terence O'Neill, in the hope of forming even more links. On 8 January 1968 they met again in Dublin.
However, the situation was already beginning to deteriorate in the
North with civil unrest and the resignation of O'Neill to come.
Shortly after Lynch's election victory, tensions in Northern Ireland finally spilled over and "the troubles" began. The sight of refugees from the North teeming across the border turned public opinion in the Republic. The Battle of the Bogside in Derry between the Royal Ulster Constabulary
and residents in August 1969 prompted Lynch on 13 August to make what
some people consider one of the most important broadcasts to the nation
on Irish television, commenting on the ever-increasingly violent situation
. He said:
It is clear now that the present situation cannot be allowed to
continue. It is evident also that the Stormont government is no longer
in control of the situation. Indeed, the present situation is the
inevitable outcome of the policies pursued for decades by successive
Stormont governments. It is clear also that the Irish Government can no
longer stand by and see innocent people injured and perhaps worse. It is
obvious that the RUC is no longer accepted as an impartial police
force. Neither would the employment of British troops be acceptable nor would they be likely to restore peaceful conditions, certainly not in the long term. The Irish Government have, therefore, requested the British Government to apply immediately to the United Nations
for the urgent dispatch of a Peace-Keeping Force to the Six Counties of
Northern Ireland and have instructed the Permanent Representative to
the United Nations to inform the Secretary General of this request. We
have also asked the British Government to see to it that police attacks
on the people of Derry should cease immediately.
Very many people have been injured and some of them seriously. We
know that many of these do not wish to be treated in Six County
hospitals. We have, therefore, directed the Irish Army authorities to have field hospitals established in County Donegal adjacent to Derry and at other points along the Border where they may be necessary.
Recognising, however, that the re-unification of the national territory
can provide the only permanent solution for the problem, it is our
intention to request the British Government to enter into early
negotiations with the Irish Government to review the present
constitutional position of the Six Counties of Northern Ireland.
Lynch's statement that the Irish Government could "no longer stand by" was interpreted by Unionists in Northern Ireland as hinting at military intervention (and was misquoted as a promise not to "stand
idly by"). A minority of ministers - two, according to Desmond O'Malley
- would have favoured such a course, but the Irish Army was completely
unprepared for an operation of this kind. The majority of the cabinet
opposed military intervention, and Lynch took no such action, though he
commissioned a study named
Exercise Armageddon. As the violence continued, the Minister for External Affairs, Patrick Hillery, met with the British Foreign Secretary and also went to the United Nations in a plea to send a peacekeeping
force to the North and to highlight the Irish government's case.
However, little else was achieved from these meetings other than media
coverage of the activities in the north. The situation in Northern
Ireland continued to deteriorate during Lynch's first term. Bloody Sunday (30 January 1972), saw the killing of 14 unarmed civilians by British paratroopers and a backlash of anti-British feeling in all parts of Ireland, including the burning of the British embassy in Dublin.
Lynch's attitude towards the Northern Ireland question and the
application of Fianna Fáil party policy to it would eventually come to
define his first period as Taoiseach, and would once again show his
critics that far from being "reluctant" he was in fact a strong and
decisive leader. His strong leadership skills and determination were
clearly evident in 1970 when allegations (later disproved in court,
though questions since have emerged challenging that verdict in one
case), that the hardline republican Minister for Agriculture, Neil Blaney, and the Minister for Finance, Charles Haughey, were involved in an attempt to use £100,000 in aid money to import arms for the Provisional IRA.
Both ministers were sacked after some initial procrastination on Lynch's part, his innocent Minister for Justice, Micheál Ó Móráin, retired the day before and a fourth minister, Kevin Boland and his Parliamentary Secretary, resigned in sympathy with Haughey and Blaney. The whole affair, which became known as the Arms Crisis,
allowed Lynch to stamp his control on his government, but would
eventually lead to deep division in Fianna Fáil for many decades to
come. It is now believed that Lynch was aware of these activities, and
acted only when his hand was forced.
One of the high points of Lynch's first term as Taoiseach, and
possibly one of the most important events in modern Irish history, was Ireland's entry into the European Economic Community.
Lynch personally steered the application for membership and the
acceptance of membership by a five to one majority in a referendum shows
that the vast majority of the country was behind him. Ireland
officially joined, along with its nearest neighbour, the United Kingdom
and Denmark, on 1 January 1973. Patrick Hillery became Ireland's first European Commissioner.
In appointing Hillery Europe was gaining one of Ireland's most
experienced politicians, while on the other hand Lynch was losing one of
his staunchest allies. The admittance of Ireland was the culmination of
a decade of preparation which was begun by Lynch and his predecessor,
Seán Lemass, who unfortunately did not live to see what would have been
his greatest achievement.
Lynch's government was expected to collapse following the Arms
Crisis; however, it survived until 1973. Lynch had wanted to call the
general election for the end of 1972, however, events had conspired
against him and the date was set for February, 1973. Lynch's government
was defeated by the National Coalition of Fine Gael and the Labour Party. Liam Cosgrave
was elected Taoiseach and Lynch found himself on the opposition benches
for the first time in sixteen years. However, Lynch's popularity
remained steadfast, so much so that during his tenure as Leader of the Opposition he was frequently referred to as "the Real Taoiseach."
Lynch had some success while out of power. He had finally gained
complete control of the party, having neutralized his rivals for
leadership during the Arms Crisis, and initiated Fianna Fáil's electoral
comeback by securing the election of its candidate, Erskine H. Childers, as President of Ireland in 1973, defeating the odds-on favourite, the National Coalition's Tom O'Higgins.
In 1975, Lynch allowed Charles Haughey
to return to his Front Bench as Spokesperson on Health. There was much
media criticism of Lynch for this move. In the same year the Foreign
Affairs Spokesperson, Michael O'Kennedy, published a Fianna Fáil policy document calling for a withdrawal of British forces from Northern Ireland. The document was an echo of Fianna Fáil's republican origins, and although Lynch was not happy with it, he did not stop it.
Controversy continued to dog the National Coalition when the President of Ireland, Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh, resigned in 1976 after being called a "thundering disgrace" by the Minister for Defence, Paddy Donegan. Liam Cosgrave
refused to sack his Minister and the government's popularity took a
downturn. A former Fianna Fáil cabinet minister and a political ally of
Lynch, Patrick Hillery, was eventually nominated (without election) as Ó
Dálaigh's successor and sixth President of Ireland.
In 1977, the government, although reasonably unpopular, felt sure of
an election victory and June date for the poll was fixed. The National
Coalition's spirits had been buoyed up by the actions of the Minister
for Local Government, James Tully. In what became known as the Tullymander (a pun on the word gerrymander)
he re-drew every constituency in Ireland (as he had authority to do),
apparently favouring Fine Gael and Labour Party candidates. However,
when the election took place the coalition was swept out of office by
Fianna Fáil which won an unprecedented twenty seat Dáil majority and
over 50% of the first preference votes. Lynch himself received the
biggest personal vote in the state. Although the large parliamentary
majority seemed to restore Lynch as an electoral asset, the fact that
the party was returned with an enormous vote allowed Lynch to be
undermined by many new TDs who were not loyal to Lynch and wanted him
removed.
Early on in his second term as Taoiseach,
Lynch decided that he would not lead Fianna Fáil into another general
election campaign. The date of January 1980 was in his mind as a
retirement date, however nothing had been made definite. It was during
this time, due to a combination of a large parliamentary majority and
the search for a new leader, when party discipline began to break down.
In the party's election manifesto in 1977 Fianna Fáil promised a
whole range of new economic measures. These measures included the
abolition of car tax, rates on houses and a number of other vote-winning
"sweeteners." A new Department of Economic Planning and Development
was set up to kick-start Ireland's flagging economy and to implement
these new measures. The government abolished domestic rates on houses
and unemployment fell from 106,000 to 90,000 between 1977 and 1979,
however other actions that were taken were not so productive. In 1978
the Irish economy recorded the biggest deficit for an advanced country
at 17.6% deficit. The national debt increased by £2 billion in the same
period, protest marches by PAYE workers, an increase in electricity charges and the oil crisis of 1979 also caused problems for the government and its economic policy.
The year 1978 saw the first open revolt in party discipline. There
was an open mutiny by many backbenchers when the Minister for Finance, George Colley,
attempted to impose a 2% levy on farmers. Although the levy was widely
popular with the electorate, Colley was forced into a humiliating
climbdown at the behest of the backbenchers and the authority of the
government was shaken — particularly when the levy withdrawal was met
with mass protests.
There was similar tension when a vote on the Family Planning Bill was
proposed in the Dáil by the Minister for Health, Charles Haughey. The
legislation proposed that only married people with a prescription could
be dispensed contraception and was described as "an Irish solution to an Irish problem". Jim Gibbons, who was a devout Catholic
and had a deep hatred of Haughey, failed to turn up and vote for this
important legislation. It was the only time when a TD, let alone a
cabinet minister, was allowed flout the party whip in Fianna Fáil and
damaged Lynch's authority when he failed to expel the minister from the
government and parliamentary party. As well as this, a group of
backbench TDs began to lobby other TDs in support of Charles Haughey,
should a leadership election arise. This group, known as the "gang of
five," consisted of Jackie Fahey, Tom McEllistrim, Seán Doherty, Mark Killilea and Albert Reynolds.
1979 proved to be the year in which Lynch finally realised that his
grip on power had slipped. The first direct elections to the European Parliament
took place in June saw the electorate severely punish the ruling Fianna
Fáil party. A five-month postal strike also led to deep anger amongst
people all over the country. On 27 August 1979, the Provisional IRA assassinated Earl Mountbatten of Burma in County Sligo. On the same day the IRA killed 18 British soldiers at Warrenpoint in County Down. A radical security review and greater cross-border co-operation were discussed with the new British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher. These discussions led Síle de Valera,
a backbench TD, to directly challenge the leadership in a speech at the
Liam Lynch commemoration at Fermoy on the 9th of September.
Although Lynch quickly tried to impose party discipline, attempting to
discipline her for opposing party policy at a parliamentary party
meeting held at the 28th of September, de Valera correctly pointed out
that she had not opposed the party policy regarding the North which
called for the declaration of the British intent to withdraw from the
north.
The result was embarrassing for Lynch.
The visit of Pope John Paul II
to Ireland in September proved to be a welcome break for Lynch from the
day-to-day running of the country. In November, just before Lynch
departed on a visit to the United States he decided that he would resign
at the end of the year. This would allow him to complete his term as
President of the European Community. The defining event which made up
his mind was the news that Fianna Fáil had lost two by-elections in his
native Cork (Cork City and Cork North–East,
both on 7 November). In addition during the trip Lynch claimed in an
interview with the Washington Post that a five-kilometre air corridor
between the border was agreed upon during the meeting with Thatcher to
enhance security co-operation
This was something highly unsavoury to many in Fianna Fáil. When Lynch returned he was confronted openly by Síle de Valera, Dr Bill Loughnane, a noted hardline Republican backbencher, along with Tom McEllistrim, a member of Haughey's gang of five, at a parliamentary party meeting.
Lynch stated that the British did not have permission to overfly the
border. Afterwards Loughnane went public with the details of the meeting
and accused Lynch of deliberately misleading the party. An attempt to
remove the whip from Loughnane failed. At this stage Lynch's position
had become untenable, with supporters of Haughey caucusing opinion
within the party. George Colley,
the man who Lynch saw as his successor, went to him and encouraged him
to resign sooner. Colley was convinced that he had enough support to
defeat the other likely candidate, Charles Haughey,
and that Lynch should resign early to catch his opponents on the hop.
Lynch agreed to this and resigned as leader of Fianna Fáil on 5 December
1979, assured that Colley had the votes necessary to win. However,
Haughey and his supporters had been preparing for months to take over
the leadership and Lynch's resignation came as no surprise. He narrowly
defeated Colley in the leadership contest and succeeded Lynch as Taoiseach.
Lynch remained on in Dáil Éireann as a TD until his retirement from politics at the 1981 general election.
Following Lynch's retirement from politics the offers from various
companies flooded in. He became a director on the boards of a number of
companies, including Irish Distillers, Smurfit
and Hibernian Insurance. He also embarked on a good deal of foreign
travel. He was conferred with the freedom of his own native Cork city. He continued to speak on political issues, particularly in favour of Desmond O'Malley at the time of his expulsion from Fianna Fáil. Lynch also declined to accept nominations to become President of Ireland,
a position he had little interest in. In 1992, he suffered a severe
health set-back, and in 1993, suffered a stroke in which he nearly lost
his sight. Following this he withdrew from public life, preferring to
remain at his home with his wife Máirín where he continued to be dogged
by ill-health.
He continued to be honoured by, among others, the Gaelic Athletic Association and various other organisations. In 1999 the Jack Lynch Tunnel under the river Lee was named by Cork Corporation in his honour. A plaque was also erected at his birthplace in Shandon. Lynch died in the Royal Hospital, Donnybrook, Dublin on 20 October 1999 at the age of 82. He was honoured with a state funeral which was attended by the President of Ireland Mary McAleese, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, former Taoisigh John Bruton, Albert Reynolds and Charles Haughey,
and various political persons from all parties. The coffin was then
flown from Dublin to Cork where a procession through the streets of the
city drew some of the biggest crowds in the city's history. Lynch's
friend and political ally, Desmond O'Malley,
delivered the graveside oration, paying tribute to Lynch's sense of
decency. He is buried in St Finbarr's Cemetery in Cork city.
Jack Lynch has been described as "the most popular Irish politician since Daniel O'Connell." This praise did not come from Lynch's allies or even his own party, but from the former leader of Fine Gael, Liam Cosgrave.
As a sportsman, Lynch earned a reputation for decency and fair play,
characteristics he brought to political life. It was for this that the
man known as "the Real Taoiseach" or "the Reluctant Taoiseach", with his
ever-present pipe and the soft Cork lilt in his voice will be
remembered.
