Patrick Joseph "Paddy" Lalor (born 21 July 1926) is a former Irish Fianna Fáil politician and a well known hurling player for Laois.
Paddy Lalor was a member of the last Laois team to win the Leinster Senior Hurling Championship in 1949. Later that year he helped his club Abbeyleix to win the Laois Senior Hurling Championship.
He played football and hurling for his club and county for many years and is generally regarded as one of the most skilful hurlers to have pulled on the Blue and White jersey of Laois. This was evidenced by his selection in 1999 on the Laois Hurling Team of the Millennium.
He was a Teachta Dála (TD) for over twenty years, and a minister three times. He was elected to Dáil Éireann on his first attempt at the 1961 general election as a Fianna Fáil TD for Laois–Offaly in the 17th Dáil. In 1965 he was appointed Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Agriculture. The following year Lalor became Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Transport and Power and Posts and Telegraphs.
Following the 1969 election Lalor joined the cabinet of Jack Lynch as Minister for Posts and Telegraphs. In the cabinet reshuffle that took place following the Arms Crisis in 1970 he took over the Industry and Commerce portfolio, serving in that position until the 1973 general election, when a Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition took power.
Fianna Fáil was re-elected in a landslide victory at the 1977 general election and Lalor became Parliamentary Secretary to the Taoiseach. In 1979 he was elected to the European Parliament for the Leinster constituency. He did not stand at the 1981 general election. He was re-elected to the European Parliament in 1984 and 1989.
The Irish Rising is a blog to not only consider the event that took place in 1916, but also the Irish rising from the ashes of time to where they are now. It is all things Irish.
Prelude to the Easter Rising of 1916
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Saturday, March 30, 2013
Members of the Seventeenth Dáil - Brendan Crinion
Brendan Crinion (11 November 1923 – 2 July 1989) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician who served for more than twenty years as a Teachta Dála (TD) and as a Senator.
A farmer before entering politics, Crinion was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil TD for the Kildare constituency at the 1961 general election. He was returned for Kildare at the 1965 general election, but after boundary changes for the 1969 general election he stood in the neighbouring Meath constituency. He was defeated there, but was then nominated by the Taoiseach, Jack Lynch, to the 12th Seanad.
At the next general election, in 1973, he stood again in Meath, unseating the long-serving Fianna Fáil TD Michael Hilliard. Crinion was re-elected in Meath at the 1977 general election and again in 1981 general election, before retiring from politics at the February 1982 general election.
At the next general election, in 1973, he stood again in Meath, unseating the long-serving Fianna Fáil TD Michael Hilliard. Crinion was re-elected in Meath at the 1977 general election and again in 1981 general election, before retiring from politics at the February 1982 general election.
Members of the Seventeenth Dáil - Timothy (Chubb) O'Connor
Timothy (Chubb) O'Connor (1 October 1906 – 21 July 1986) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician.
He was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil Teachta Dála (TD) for the Kerry South constituency at the 1961 general election. He was re-elected at each subsequent general election until he lost his seat at the 1981 general election. He stood unsuccessfully at the 1979 European Parliament election for the Munster constituency.
He was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil Teachta Dála (TD) for the Kerry South constituency at the 1961 general election. He was re-elected at each subsequent general election until he lost his seat at the 1981 general election. He stood unsuccessfully at the 1979 European Parliament election for the Munster constituency.
Members of the Seventeenth Dáil - James Joseph O'Keeffe
James Joseph O'Keeffe (1912 – May 1986) was an Irish Fine Gael politician. A merchant and company director, he was a member of the Seanad from 1954 to 1961. During this period he also stood unsuccessfully for Dáil Éireann in the Dublin South–West constituency at the 1951 and 1957 general elections. He succeeded at the third attempt in being elected for Dublin South–West in 1961.
However he lost his seat at the 1965 general election despite increasing his vote. He stood again in 1969 and 1977 in the newly created Dublin Rathmines West but did not regain his seat.
He was also Lord Mayor of Dublin from 1962–1963 and 1974–1975.
However he lost his seat at the 1965 general election despite increasing his vote. He stood again in 1969 and 1977 in the newly created Dublin Rathmines West but did not regain his seat.
He was also Lord Mayor of Dublin from 1962–1963 and 1974–1975.
Members of the Seventeenth Dáil - Joseph Barron
Joseph Barron (died 30 July 1968) was an Irish Clann na Poblachta politician. A teacher by profession, he first stood unsuccessfully for election at the 1948 general election as a Clann na Poblachta candidate for the Dublin South–Central constituency. He was also an unsuccessful candidate at the 1951, 1954 and 1957 general elections.
He was elected to Dáil Éireann at the 1961 general election as a Clann na Poblachta Teachta Dála (TD) for the Dublin South–Central constituency.
The leader of Clann na Poblachta, Seán MacBride, lost his seat at the 1961 election and Barron became the leader and sole member of the Clann na Poblachta parliamentary party. He lost his seat at the 1965 general election.
He was elected to Dáil Éireann at the 1961 general election as a Clann na Poblachta Teachta Dála (TD) for the Dublin South–Central constituency.
The leader of Clann na Poblachta, Seán MacBride, lost his seat at the 1961 election and Barron became the leader and sole member of the Clann na Poblachta parliamentary party. He lost his seat at the 1965 general election.
Saturday, March 23, 2013
Members of the Seventeenth Dáil - Michael Mullen
Michael Mullen
Michael Mullen (1 February 1919 – 1 November 1982) was an Irish Labour Party politician and trade union official. He was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Labour Party Teachta Dála (TD) for the Dublin North–West constituency at the 1961 general election and was re-elected at the 1965 general election. He did not contest the 1969 general election. He was nominated by the Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave in 1973 to the 13th Seanad.
Members of the Seventeenth Dáil - Eugene Timmons
Eugene Timmons (died 13 May 1999) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician. An office worker, Timmons was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil Teachta Dála (TD) for the Dublin North–East constituency at the 1961 general election, having previously stood at the 1948, 1951 and 1954 general elections, but not the 1957 general election. Timmons was not re-elected at the 1965 general election but regained his Dáil seat at the 1969 general election until finally losing it at the 1977 general election.
Timmons served two terms as Lord Mayor of Dublin from 1965 to 1967.
Timmons served two terms as Lord Mayor of Dublin from 1965 to 1967.
Members of the Seventeenth Dáil - George Colley
George Colley
George Colley (18 October 1925 – 17 September 1983) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician, who served in a wide number of Cabinet positions, most notably as Minister for Finance and Tánaiste. He was defeated twice for the leadership of Fianna Fáil in 1966 and 1979.
Colley was born in the Dublin suburb of Fairview, the son of Harry and Christina Colley. His father was a veteran of the 1916 Easter Rising and a former adjutant in the Irish Republican Army (IRA) who was elected to Dáil Éireann in 1944 as a Fianna Fáil candidate.
He was educated at St. Joseph's Christian Brothers School in Fairview where one of his classmates and closest friends was Charles Haughey, who later became his political arch rival. He studied law at University College Dublin and qualified as a solicitor in the mid-1940s. He remained friends with Haughey after leaving school and, ironically, encouraged him to become a member of Fianna Fáil in 1951. Haughey was elected to Dáil Éireann in the 1957 general election, ousting Colley's father in the process. This put some strain on the relationship between the two young men.
Colley was elected to the Dáil at the 1961 general election, reclaiming his father's old seat in the Dublin North–East constituency. Furthermore, he was elected in the same constituency as Haughey, thereby accentuating the rivalry. Thereafter, Colley progressed rapidly through the ranks of Fianna Fáil. He became a member of the Dáil at a time when a change from the older to the younger generation was taking place, a change facilitated by the Taoiseach, Seán Lemass.
He was active in the Oireachtas as chairman of some of the Joint Labour Committees set up under the Labour Court to fix legally enforceable wages for groups of workers who had not been effectively organised in trade unions. He was also leader of the Irish parliamentary delegation to the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe. Colley's work as a backbencher was rewarded by his appointment as Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Lands in October 1964.
Following the return of Lemass's government at the 1965 general election, Colley joined the government as Minister for Education. He introduced a plan to establish Comprehensive schools, set up an advisory council on post-primary school accommodation in Dublin, and introduced a school psychological service.
He was promoted to Minister for Industry and Commerce in a cabinet reshuffle in July 1966, and he continued the government policy of economic expansion that had prevailed since the late 1950s.
In November 1966, Seán Lemass resigned suddenly as Taoiseach. Colley and Charles Haughey both stood as candidates in the subsequent leadership election.
Colley's rise through politics was remarkable; after only five years in the Dáil, he was already in a position to contest the leadership of Fianna Fáil. He was the favoured candidate of party elders such as Seán MacEntee and Frank Aiken, the latter managing Colley's campaign and annoyed at Lemass's quick decision to retire before Colley had built up his support. Colley was considered to be in the same mould as the party founders, concerned with issues such as the peaceful re-unification of the country and the cause of the Irish language. A third candidate, Neil Blaney, also stated his interest in the leadership if a suitable candidate could not be found. However, both Haughey and Blaney withdrew when the Minister for Finance, Jack Lynch, announced his candidacy. Colley did not back down and the leadership issue went to a vote for the first time in the history of the Fianna Fáil party.
The leadership election took place on 9 November 1966 and Lynch beat Colley by 59 votes to 19. When the new Taoiseach announced his cabinet, no hard feelings were shown between the two men. Colley retained his Industry and Commerce portfolio in the following cabinet reshuffle.
Following Fianna Fáil's success at the 1969 general election, Colley held onto his existing cabinet post and also took charge of the Gaeltacht portfolio, an area where he had a personal interest. He used this dual position to direct industrial investment to Gaeltacht areas. He set about changing the traditional view of the Irish-speaking regions as backward and promoted their equal claim to the more sophisticated industries being established in Ireland by foreign investment.
In the wake of the Arms Crisis in 1970, a major reshuffle of the cabinet took place. Four ministers, Charles Haughey, Neil Blaney, Kevin Boland and Micheál Ó Móráin, were either sacked, or resigned, or simply retired from the government due to the scandal that was about to unfold. Despite his defeat by Jack Lynch in the leadership contest four years earlier, Colley had remained loyal to the party leader and had become a close political ally. He was rewarded by his appointment as Minister for Finance, the second most important position in government, while retaining the Gaeltacht portfolio.
Colley was regarded as a predictable minister and the ultimate safe man, as a highly orthodox Keynsian. His decision to introduce budget deficits in his first three budgets was even welcomed by the opposition. The most important event of his tenure as minister was the decimalisation of the Irish currency in 1971. He also championed the introduction of RTÉ Raidió na Gaeltachta and argued the financial case for it in 1972, as minister with responsibility for the Gaeltacht.
In 1973, Fianna Fáil were ousted after sixteen years in government when the national coalition of Fine Gael and the Labour Party came to power. Colley was appointed opposition spokesman on finance in the new Fianna Fáil front bench. He came to be regarded as a hard-working spokesman and was a constant critic of what he viewed as the coalition government's restrictive economic policy and of the capital taxation which he believed discouraged investment.
As the 1977 general election approached, Colley and Martin O'Donoghue were the main architects of Fianna Fáil's election manifesto. The party's programme for government included a number of inducements, including the abolition of car tax and rates on houses, as it was believed that the coalition government would retain office.
Fianna Fáil swept to power at the 1977 general election, with a 20-seat Dáil majority, contrary to opinion polls and political commentators. Colley was re-appointed as Minister for Finance and Minister for the Public Service, and was also appointed as Tánaiste (deputy prime minister). The latter appointment established him firmly as the heir apparent to Taoiseach Jack Lynch.
During his second term as finance minister, Colley implemented controversial policies from the election manifesto. He immediately set about dismantling the previous government's capital taxation programme while also abolishing the wealth tax and diluting the capital gains and capital acquisitions taxes. His policy of low taxation and continued government investment resulted in massive foreign borrowing and a balance of payments deficit. In 1979, Fianna Fáil's economic policies were derailed due to strikes, higher wage demands, and the 1979 energy crisis. The introduction of a two percent levy on agricultural production angered some rural backbench TDs, and party tensions emerged.
In December 1979, Jack Lynch resigned unexpectedly as Taoiseach and as Fianna Fáil leader. It is said that Colley and his supporters encouraged Lynch to retire one month earlier than planned because he felt he had the support to win a leadership contest and that the quick decision would catch Charles Haughey and his supporters off guard.
Support for both candidates was evenly matched throughout the leadership contest. Colley had the backing of the majority of the Cabinet and the party hierarchy, while Haughey relied on support from the first-time backbenchers. A secret ballot was taken on Friday, 7 December 1979. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Michael O'Kennedy announced his support for Haughey on the eve of the election. This was believed to have swung the vote, and Haughey beat Colley by 44 votes to 38.
Colley remained as Tánaiste but demanded and received a veto on Haughey's ministerial appointments to the departments of Justice and Defence. Colley was removed from his position as minister for the departments of Finance and the Public Service. He declined the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs, preferring instead a domestic portfolio, which resulted in a demotion. He was temporarily appointed Minister for Transport and Tourism before taking charge of the new Department of Energy. During his brief tenure, he blocked the Nuclear Energy Board's controversial plan to build a nuclear power plant at Carnsore Point in County Wexford.
Fianna Fáil lost power at the 1981 general election when a short-lived Fine Gael-Labour Party coalition government took office. Haughey delayed naming a new opposition front bench but Colley was still a key member of the Fianna Fáil hierarchy.
Fianna Fáil regained office at the February 1982 general election but there was disquiet about Haughey's leadership and the failure to secure an overall majority. Colley demanded the same veto as before on Haughey's Defence and Justice appointments, but was refused. When it was revealed that Ray MacSharry would be appointed Tánaiste in his stead, he declined another ministerial position. This effectively brought his front bench political career to an end, but he remained a vocal critic of the party leadership from the backbenches.
When the Fianna Fáil government collapsed and were replaced by another coalition government after the November 1982 general election, a number of TDs expressed lack of confidence in Haughey's leadership once again. Several unsuccessful leadership challenges took place in late 1982 and early 1983 with Colley now supporting Desmond O'Malley and the Gang of 22 who opposed Haughey.
Colley died suddenly on 17 September 1983, aged 57, while receiving treatment for a heart condition at Guy's Hospital in London. He was survived by his wife, three sons, and four daughters, one of whom, Anne Colley, became a TD as a member of the Progressive Democrats party.
Members of the Seventeenth Dáil - Mark Anthony Clinton
Clinton was born to a farming family at Moynalty, Kells, County Meath, in February 1915. He was known as an accomplished Gaelic footballer in his youth and played on the Meath GAA team defeated in the 1939 All Ireland by Kerry. He served as a member of Dublin County Council from 1955 and represented various County Dublin constituencies as a Fine Gael Teachta Dála (TD) from 1961 until his retirement from Dáil Éireann in 1981.
In 1973, he joined the Irish Government of Liam Cosgrave as Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries in the National Coalition. Clinton is best remembered as the Agriculture Minister who negotiated Ireland's entry into the European Union's Common Agricultural Policy, a development which brought billions of pounds to Irish farming and agri business. He served in government until 1977 and retired from the Dáil in 1981. Clinton also served in the European Parliament for the Leinster constituency from 1979 to 1989 and his political experience was recognised by his election as vice-president of that assembly.
Mark Clinton died in a Dublin nursing home on 23 December 2001, survived by his wife and six of his seven children.
Members of the Seventeenth Dáil - Paddy Harte
Paddy Harte (born 26 July 1931) is a retired Irish Fine Gael politician who served for 36 years as Teachta Dála (TD) for Donegal North–East.
He was born in 1931 in Lifford, County Donegal. His son, Jimmy Harte, is a Labour Party Senator.
He was first elected to the 17th Dáil at the 1961 general election, and re-elected at eleven further general elections. In the 22nd Dáil, from 1981 to 1982, he was Minister of State at the Department of Posts and Telegraphs in Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald's government. In 1989 he was an unsuccessful candidate in the Connacht–Ulster constituency at the elections to the European Parliament. He lost his seat at the 1997 general election to the Independent Fianna Fáil candidate Harry Blaney, and unsuccessfully contested the 1997 elections to Seanad Éireann on the Industrial and Commercial Panel. After this, he retired from politics.
Since his retirement he has been involved in a number of projects, including (along with Glen Barr) the Messines Island of Ireland Peace Park in West Flanders in Belgium. This park was officially opened in November 1998 by President Mary McAleese, Queen Elizabeth II and King Albert II of the Belgians to commemorate all Irishmen who died in World War I.
He was appointed an Honorary OBE in October 2006 for his ecumenical works. He received an honorary Doctorate of Laws from the National University of Ireland in September 2007 in recognition of his contribution to politics.
He was born in 1931 in Lifford, County Donegal. His son, Jimmy Harte, is a Labour Party Senator.
He was first elected to the 17th Dáil at the 1961 general election, and re-elected at eleven further general elections. In the 22nd Dáil, from 1981 to 1982, he was Minister of State at the Department of Posts and Telegraphs in Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald's government. In 1989 he was an unsuccessful candidate in the Connacht–Ulster constituency at the elections to the European Parliament. He lost his seat at the 1997 general election to the Independent Fianna Fáil candidate Harry Blaney, and unsuccessfully contested the 1997 elections to Seanad Éireann on the Industrial and Commercial Panel. After this, he retired from politics.
Since his retirement he has been involved in a number of projects, including (along with Glen Barr) the Messines Island of Ireland Peace Park in West Flanders in Belgium. This park was officially opened in November 1998 by President Mary McAleese, Queen Elizabeth II and King Albert II of the Belgians to commemorate all Irishmen who died in World War I.
He was appointed an Honorary OBE in October 2006 for his ecumenical works. He received an honorary Doctorate of Laws from the National University of Ireland in September 2007 in recognition of his contribution to politics.
Saturday, March 16, 2013
Members of the Seventeenth Dáil - Philip Burton
Philip Burton (26 July 1910 – 3 January 1995) was an Irish Fine Gael politician, farmer and auctioneer. He first was elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fine Gael Teachta Dála (TD) for the Cork North–East constituency at the 1961 general election. He was re-elected at the 1965 and 1969 general elections, but lost his seat at the 1973 general election. He was subsequently elected to the 13th Seanad on the Administrative Panel. He retired from politics in 1977.
Members of the Seventeenth Dáil - Séamus Dolan
Séamus Dolan (10 December 1914 – 10 August 2010) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician. He was a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1961 to 1965, and a Senator from 1965 to 1969 and from 1973 to 1982. He was Cathaoirleach (chairman) of Seanad Éireann from 1977 to 1981.[1]
Born in Gubaveeney, near Blacklion in County Cavan, he was a farmer and national school teacher before entering politics.[1] Dolan was elected in 1961 to Dáil Éireann for the Cavan constituency (which he had contested unsuccessfully at the 1954 and 1957 elections). He lost his seat at the 1965 general election, and although he stood in the next two general elections (in 1969 and 1973), he never returned to the Dáil.
However, after his 1977 defeat, he was elected to the 11th Seanad Éireann on the Labour Panel. He did not seek re-election in 1973, but was returned in 1977 to the 13th Seanad. From 1977 to 1981 he was Cathaoirleach (chairman) of the 14th Seanad (1981–1982) and as Leas-Chathaoirleach (Deputy chairman) in the 15th Seanad.
Séamus Dolan died on 10 August 2010.
Born in Gubaveeney, near Blacklion in County Cavan, he was a farmer and national school teacher before entering politics.[1] Dolan was elected in 1961 to Dáil Éireann for the Cavan constituency (which he had contested unsuccessfully at the 1954 and 1957 elections). He lost his seat at the 1965 general election, and although he stood in the next two general elections (in 1969 and 1973), he never returned to the Dáil.
However, after his 1977 defeat, he was elected to the 11th Seanad Éireann on the Labour Panel. He did not seek re-election in 1973, but was returned in 1977 to the 13th Seanad. From 1977 to 1981 he was Cathaoirleach (chairman) of the 14th Seanad (1981–1982) and as Leas-Chathaoirleach (Deputy chairman) in the 15th Seanad.
Séamus Dolan died on 10 August 2010.
Members of the Seventeenth Dáil - Desmond Governey
Desmond Governey (11 September 1920 – 29 December 1984) was an Irish Fine Gael politician who represented Carlow–Kilkenny as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1969 to 1977 and from 1981 to 1982.[1]
He was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fine Gael Teachta Dála (TD) for the Carlow–Kilkenny constituency at the 1961 general election. He was re-elected at each subsequent general election until his defeat at the 1977 general election. Following the loss of his Dáil seat, Governey was elected to the 14th Seanad by the Industrial and Commercial Panel, where he served from 1977 to 1981. He regained his Dáil seat at the 1981 general election, and was re-elected at the February 1982 general election and retired from politics at the November 1982 general election.
He was educated at Castleknock College and was in government under his former school mate Liam Cosgrave.
He was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fine Gael Teachta Dála (TD) for the Carlow–Kilkenny constituency at the 1961 general election. He was re-elected at each subsequent general election until his defeat at the 1977 general election. Following the loss of his Dáil seat, Governey was elected to the 14th Seanad by the Industrial and Commercial Panel, where he served from 1977 to 1981. He regained his Dáil seat at the 1981 general election, and was re-elected at the February 1982 general election and retired from politics at the November 1982 general election.
He was educated at Castleknock College and was in government under his former school mate Liam Cosgrave.
The Seventeenth Dáil
This is a list of the members who were elected to the 17th Dáil Éireann, the lower house of the Oireachtas (legislature) of Ireland. These TDs (Members of Parliament) were elected at the 1961 general election on 4 October 1961 and met on 11 October 1961. The 17th Dáil was dissolved by President Éamon de Valera, at the request of the Taoiseach Seán Lemass on 18 March 1965. The 17th Dáil lasted 1,281 days.
The list of the 144 TDs elected, is given in alphabetical order by constituency.
The list of the 144 TDs elected, is given in alphabetical order by constituency.
Members of the 17th Dáil | |||
---|---|---|---|
Constituency | Name | Party | |
Carlow–Kilkenny | Patrick Crotty | Fine Gael | |
Jim Gibbons | Fianna Fáil | ||
Desmond Governey | Fine Gael | ||
Martin Medlar | Fianna Fáil | ||
Séamus Pattison | Labour Party | ||
Cavan | Séamus Dolan | Fianna Fáil | |
Patrick O'Reilly | Fine Gael | ||
Paddy Smith | Fianna Fáil | ||
Clare | Patrick Hogan | Ceann Comhairle | |
Patrick Hillery | Fianna Fáil | ||
William Murphy | Fine Gael | ||
Seán Ó Ceallaigh | Fianna Fáil | ||
Cork Borough | Stephen Barrett | Fine Gael | |
Anthony Barry | Fine Gael | ||
Seán Casey | Labour Party | ||
John Galvin | Fianna Fáil | ||
Jack Lynch | Fianna Fáil | ||
Cork Mid | Dan Desmond | Labour Party | |
Seán McCarthy | Fianna Fáil | ||
Con Meaney | Fianna Fáil | ||
Denis O'Sullivan | Fine Gael | ||
Cork North–East | Richard Barry | Fine Gael | |
Philip Burton | Fine Gael | ||
Martin Corry | Fianna Fáil | ||
Patrick McAuliffe | Labour Party | ||
John Moher | Fianna Fáil | ||
Cork South–West | Seán Collins | Fine Gael | |
Edward Cotter | Fianna Fáil | ||
Michael Murphy | Labour Party | ||
Donegal North–East | Neil Blaney | Fianna Fáil | |
Liam Cunningham | Fianna Fáil | ||
Paddy Harte | Fine Gael | ||
Donegal South–West | Joseph Brennan | Fianna Fáil | |
Cormac Breslin | Fianna Fáil | ||
Patrick O'Donnell | Fine Gael | ||
Dublin County | Kevin Boland | Fianna Fáil | |
Patrick Burke | Fianna Fáil | ||
Mark Clinton | Fine Gael | ||
Seán Dunne | Independent | ||
Éamon Rooney | Fine Gael | ||
Dublin North–Central | Vivion de Valera | Fianna Fáil | |
Celia Lynch | Fianna Fáil | ||
Patrick McGilligan | Fine Gael | ||
Frank Sherwin | Independent | ||
Dublin North–East | Jack Belton | Fine Gael | |
Patrick Byrne | Fine Gael | ||
George Colley | Fianna Fáil | ||
Charles Haughey | Fianna Fáil | ||
Eugene Timmons | Fianna Fáil | ||
Dublin North–West | Declan Costello | Fine Gael | |
Richard Gogan | Fianna Fáil | ||
Michael Mullen | Labour Party | ||
Dublin South–Central | Joseph Barron | Clann na Poblachta | |
Philip Brady | Fianna Fáil | ||
Patrick Cummins | Fianna Fáil | ||
Maurice E. Dockrell | Fine Gael | ||
Seán Lemass | Fianna Fáil | ||
Dublin South–East | Noël Browne | National Progressive Democrats | |
John A. Costello | Fine Gael | ||
Seán MacEntee | Fianna Fáil | ||
Dublin South–West | Robert Briscoe | Fianna Fáil | |
James Carroll | Independent | ||
Noel Lemass, Jnr | Fianna Fáil | ||
James O'Keeffe | Fine Gael | ||
Richie Ryan | Fine Gael | ||
Dún Laoghaire and Rathdown | Seán Brady | Fianna Fáil | |
Lionel Booth | Fianna Fáil | ||
Liam Cosgrave | Fine Gael | ||
H. Percy Dockrell | Fine Gael | ||
Galway East | Michael Carty | Fianna Fáil | |
Michael Donnellan | Clann na Talmhan | ||
Brigid Hogan-O'Higgins | Fine Gael | ||
Michael F. Kitt | Fianna Fáil | ||
Anthony Millar | Fianna Fáil | ||
Galway West | Gerald Bartley | Fianna Fáil | |
Fintan Coogan | Fine Gael | ||
Johnny Geoghegan | Fianna Fáil | ||
Kerry North | Patrick Finucane | Independent | |
Tom McEllistrim | Fianna Fáil | ||
Dan Spring | Labour Party | ||
Kerry South | Patrick Connor | Fine Gael | |
Honor Crowley | Fianna Fáil | ||
Timothy O'Connor | Fianna Fáil | ||
Kildare | Brendan Crinion | Fianna Fáil | |
Patrick Dooley | Fianna Fáil | ||
William Norton | Labour Party | ||
Gerard Sweetman | Fine Gael | ||
Laois–Offaly | Kieran Egan | Fianna Fáil | |
Nicholas Egan | Fianna Fáil | ||
Oliver J. Flanagan | Fine Gael | ||
Patrick Lalor | Fianna Fáil | ||
Tom O'Higgins | Fine Gael | ||
Limerick East | Paddy Clohessy | Fianna Fáil | |
Stephen Coughlan | Labour Party | ||
Tom O'Donnell | Fine Gael | ||
Donogh O'Malley | Fianna Fáil | ||
Limerick West | James Collins | Fianna Fáil | |
Denis Jones | Fine Gael | ||
Donnchadh Ó Briain | Fianna Fáil | ||
Longford–Westmeath | Frank Carter | Fianna Fáil | |
Michael Kennedy | Fianna Fáil | ||
Seán Mac Eoin | Fine Gael | ||
Joseph Sheridan | Independent | ||
Louth | Frank Aiken | Fianna Fáil | |
Paddy Donegan | Fine Gael | ||
Pádraig Faulkner | Fianna Fáil | ||
Mayo North | Michael Browne | Fine Gael | |
Phelim Calleary | Fianna Fáil | ||
Joseph Lenehan | Independent | ||
Mayo South | Joseph Blowick | Clann na Talmhan | |
Seán Flanagan | Fianna Fáil | ||
Henry Kenny | Fine Gael | ||
Micheál Ó Móráin | Fianna Fáil | ||
Meath | Denis Farrelly | Fine Gael | |
Michael Hilliard | Fianna Fáil | ||
James Tully | Labour Party | ||
Monaghan | Erskine H. Childers | Fianna Fáil | |
James Dillon | Fine Gael | ||
Patrick Mooney | Fianna Fáil | ||
Roscommon | James Burke | Fine Gael | |
Brian Lenihan | Fianna Fáil | ||
Jack McQuillan | National Progressive Democrats | ||
Patrick J. Reynolds | Fine Gael | ||
Sligo–Leitrim | James Gallagher | Fianna Fáil | |
Eugene Gilbride | Fianna Fáil | ||
Eugene Gilhawley | Fine Gael | ||
Joseph McLoughlin | Fine Gael | ||
Tipperary North | Thomas Dunne | Fine Gael | |
John Fanning | Fianna Fáil | ||
Patrick Tierney | Labour Party | ||
Tipperary South | Dan Breen | Fianna Fáil | |
Michael Davern | Fianna Fáil | ||
Patrick Hogan | Fine Gael | ||
Seán Treacy | Labour Party | ||
Waterford | Thomas Kyne | Labour Party | |
Thaddeus Lynch | Fine Gael | ||
John Ormonde | Fianna Fáil | ||
Wexford | Lorcan Allen | Fianna Fáil | |
Brendan Corish | Labour Party | ||
Anthony Esmonde | Fine Gael | ||
James Ryan | Fianna Fáil | ||
Wicklow | Paudge Brennan | Fianna Fáil | |
James Everett | Labour Party | ||
Michael O'Higgins | Fine Gael |
Date | Constituency | Gain | Loss | Note | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1963-05-30 30 May 1963 | Dublin North–East | Fine Gael | Fine Gael | Paddy Belton (FG) holds the seat vacated by the death of his brother Jack Belton (FG) | ||
1963-10-27 27 October 1963 | Dublin South–East | Labour Party | National Progressive Democrats | Noël Browne (NPD) disbands the National Progressive Democrats and joins the Labour Party | ||
1963-10-27 27 October 1963 | Roscommon | Labour Party | National Progressive Democrats | Jack McQuillan (NPD) disbands the National Progressive Democrats and joins the Labour Party | ||
1963-10-27 27 October 1963 | Dublin County | Labour Party | Independent | Seán Dunne (Ind) joins the Labour Party | ||
1964-02-19 19 February 1964 | Cork Borough | Fianna Fáil | Fianna Fáil | Sheila Galvin (FF) wins the seat vacated by the death of her husband John Galvin (FF) | ||
1964-02-19 19 February 1964 | Kildare | Fianna Fáil | Labour Party | Terence Boylan (FF) wins the seat vacated by the death of William Norton (Lab) | ||
1964-07-08 8 July 1964 | Roscommon | Fine Gael | Fine Gael | Joan Burke (FG) holds the seat vacated by the death of her husband James Burke (FG) | ||
1964-12-03 3 December 1964 | Galway East | Fine Gael | Clann na Talmhan | John Donnellan (FG) wins the seat vacated by the death of his father Michael Donnellan (CnaT) | ||
1965-03-10 10 March 1965 | Cork Mid | Labour Party | Labour Party | Eileen Desmond (Lab) holds the seat vacated by the death of her husband Dan Desmond (Lab) |
Sunday, March 10, 2013
Disturbances in Ireland - May 1916
ARRESTS.
HC Deb 29 May 1916 vol 82 cc2404-6W2404W
Mr. HACKETT
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he can state on what charge James Hefferman and Michael Morris were arrested at Gort-nahoe, county Tipperary, on the 11th instant; whether he can state their present place of detention; and whether their trial will take place by court-martial or before a civil court?
Mr. TENNANT
These men are at Glasgow, and their cases at present are under investigation.
Mr. WHITTY
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War (1) whether any charge has been made against the undermentioned men from Dundalk detained at Stafford Detention Barracks; and, if not, whether their cases will be inquired into without delay with a view to their immediate release, namely: P. Casey, Castle-town Road; J. J. Walter, Maxwell Terrace; T. Sharkey, 7, Dublin Street; J. Barrett, 13, Dublin Street; and P. Halpin, Burns Row, all of Dundalk; and (2) whether any charge has been made against the undermentioned men detained at Wakefield Detention Barracks; if not, whether their cases will be inquired into without delay with a view to their immediate release, namely, William Atkinson, 3, New Street; Arthur O'Neill, Hill 2405W Street; Thomas Hamill, 37, Broughton Street; Daniel Tuite, Castletown Road; Samuel Hall, 9, Jocelyn Street; Patrick Kerr, Castletown Road; Phil M'Quillan, Maxwell Road; John Finegan, 21, St. Patrick's Terrace; James Hanratty, Mill Street; Jos. M'Guill, Bridge Street; and Owen Gough, 97, Clanbrassil Street, nil of Dundalk?
Mr. GINNELL
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether the young men arrested and carried away from the peaceful rural district of Drumraney, Westmeath, have yet been restored to their homes and business; and, if not, whether they will, without further delay, foe either restored or tried on any charge that can be brought against them?
Mr. HAZLETON
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that during the recent rebellion in Ireland there was no trouble of any kind at Blackrock, county Dublin, but that in spite of this fact several men who took no part whatever in the rising have been arrested from that locality and deported to England; whether forms on which to apply for release have been supplied to Timothy Finn, No. 9, Brusna Cottage, Blackrock; Richard Carter, Booterstown Avenue; George Miller, Booterstown Avenue; Martin Tobin, No. 7, Main Street, Blackrock, all detained in Wake-field Detention Barracks; whether forms have also been supplied to Edward Finn, No. 27, Brookfield Avenue, Blackrock; M. Horan, No. 2, Annesley Avenue, Blackrock; B. Fox, No. 5, Brookfield Avenue, Blackrock; R. O'Connell, No. 9, Main Street, Blackrock; W. Alexander, No. 4, Brookfield Avenue, Blackrock; J. Gas-coyne, No. 74, Brookfield Buildings, Blackrock; and J. Brandon, No. 45, Temple Road, Blackrock, all detained in Stafford detention barracks; and whether these men will be released without delay if no charge has been brought against them?
Mr. TENNANT
All such cases are now being investigated as rapidly as possible, and where no hostile association detrimental to the public safety and the defence of the realm is apparent the military authorities will order release.
Mr. HAZLETON
asked the Undersecretary of State for War whether William M'Gill, Barrack Street, Dunmore, county Galway, and Michael Ronayne, Dunmore, county Galway, who are both detained in Wandsworth Detention Bar- 2406W racks, have been supplied with forms on which to apply for their release; whether the case of these two men will be considered without delay; and whether in the case of Ronayne the fact will be taken into account that for weeks before his arrest he was on sick leave from his employment suffering from an attack of blood poisoning?
Mr. TENNANT
Commandants of Detention Barracks have been instructed to supply forms of application for release to all prisoners under their charge. These cases will be investigated with as little delay as possible, and all facts in favour of the prisoners will be given every consideration.
Mr. GINNELL
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he knows through what blunder Michael Doyle, of 82, Lower Gardiner Street, Dublin, a confirmed invalid over seventy-five years of age and wholly unconnected with current events, has been arrested and deported; and whether this invalid will be released and sent home immediately?
Mr. TENNANT
This case has already been investigated, and the release of this man has been ordered.
Saturday, March 9, 2013
Ne Temere
NE TEMERE (On Marriage)
|
Sacred Congregation Of The Council
|
Decree
concerning betrothal and marriage issued by order and authority of our Most Holy Lord Pope Pius X, by the Sacred Congregation of the Council. The Church of God has always very justly detested and forbidden secret marriages. Therefore, lest perhaps anyone should enter into such marriages, the Council of Trent (cap. I, Sess. XXIV de reform. matrim.) taught that, "Whoever attempts to contract marriage except in the presence of their pastor, or another priest properly delegated by the pastor or the Ordinary, and two or three witnesses, the Holy Synod declares wholly unable to contract marriage in such a way, and so judges contracts of this sort to be null and void." But because this same Sacred Council had commanded that a decree of this kind be published in every parish, the decree would not be in force except in those places where it was in fact so promulgated. It thus happened that many places, in which that publication did not take place, have even now never received the benefit of the Tridentine law, and still remain subject to the doubts and disadvantages of the ancient discipline. And indeed wherever the new law has been in force, all difficulty has been removed. For often grave doubt existed in discerning the person of the pastor in whose presence the marriage was contracted. Canonical discipline stated that "their own pastor" ought to be understood as referring to the priest whose domicile, or quasi-domicile, was in the parish of one or the other of the partners. Because it is often difficult to judge what exactly constitutes a quasi-domicile, not a few marriages were put in danger of being null: many also, whether by the ignorance of men or by fraud, were observed to be wholly illegitimate and contrary to the prescribed rules [illegitima atque inrita]. We observe that these things, long since deplored, are happening more frequently in our own times, when comings and goings among peoples, even those most distant from each other, are accomplished more easily and quickly. Therefore it has seemed expedient to wise and most learned men that some changes be made in the law concerning the form of celebrating marriage. And even more bishops, from every part of the earth, and especially from the more populous states, where there is a graver necessity, have besought the Apostolic See for this same reason. It has likewise been requested by the Bishops, as much those of Europe as of other regions, that action be taken against some troublesome effects of betrothals, i.e., the private mutual promises of future marriage. For experience has taught us well enough what perils betrothals of this kind bear with them: at first, the inducements to sin and the cause of inexperienced girls being deceived; afterwards, unresolvable strife and contention. In response to these related problems, Our Most Holy Lord Pope Pius X, on account of the solicitude which he has for all the Churches, and desiring by means of a certain moderation to remove the losses and dangers which we have just mentioned, commissioned the Sacred Congregation of the Council that it might see to this matter, and then propose to Himself such things as it judges appropriate. He wished also to hear the wishes of the Council established for the purpose of unifying canon law, and also of the Eminent Cardinals who have been chosen, by a special commission, to prepare that same code: who, like the Sacred Congregation of the Council, often hold assemblies for that very reason. Having obtained the opinions of all, our Most Holy Lord commanded the Sacred Congregation of the Council to issue a decree containing laws tested by certain knowledge and full deliberation, by which the discipline of betrothal and marriage might be governed, and their celebration set straight, and made fixed and orderly. In execution therefore of the Apostolic mandate the Sacred Congregation of the Council in these present letters establishes and decrees the following:
On Betrothals
I. Only those betrothals are held valid and obtain the canonical effects, which are contracted in writing and signed by both parties, as well as by the pastor, the local Ordinary, or at least two witnesses. If either party does not know how to write, this fact is to be noted in writing, and another witness is to be added, who along with the pastor, or the local Ordinary, or the two witnesses (as established above) is to sign the document. II. Under the title of "pastor," both here and in the following articles, come not only those who legitimately govern a canonically established parish, but also, in regions where there are no canonically established parishes, the priest to whom the care of souls in some definite territory has been legitimately assigned, and who is equal in duties to the pastor; and in missions, where the territory is not yet completely divided, every priest universally deputed by the Moderator of the mission to the care of souls in a certain area.
On Marriage
III. Only those marriages are valid which are contracted before the pastor or the local Ordinary, or a priest delegated by either of these, as well as at least two witnesses, subject to the rules expressed in the following articles, and with the exception of those which are discussed below in n. VII and VIII. IV.—The pastor and the local Ordinary validly assist at a marriage, 1. only from the day they receive possession of the benefice or the beginning of the office, unless they have been expressly [lit.: by name] and by public decree excommunicated or suspended from their office; 2. only within the boundaries of their own territory; within these boundaries they validly assist at marriages not only of their own subjects, but also of those not subject to them; 3. only when invited and requested, and constricted neither by force nor by grave fear, they require and receive the consent of those contracting. V.—However, they licitly assist, 1. when they have made certain legally of the free state of those contracting, according to the relevant portions of the law; 2. when they have made certain moreover that at least one of those contracting resides permanently in the place of the marriage, or at least has resided there for one month; 3. otherwise, in order that pastor or the local Ordinary may licitly assist at a marriage, they must obtain the permission of the proper pastor or local Ordinary of either partner, except in case of grave necessity, in which case they are excused from obtaining such permission. 4. With respect to migrants, except in case of necessity it is not permitted for the pastor to assist at their marriages, unless, having referred the matter to the Ordinary or a priest delegated by him, he obtains permission to do so. 5. In any case, however, let it be held as a rule that the marriage be celebrated before the pastor of the bride, unless there is some grave reason to act otherwise. VI.—The pastor and the local Ordinary can grant to another specifically determined priest permission to assist at marriages within the boundaries of their own territory. Any priest so delegated, however, in order that he may validly and licitly assist, must be required to keep the limits of his mandate, as well as the rules already established for the pastor and the local Ordinary in numbers IV and V. VII.—In imminent danger of death, when the pastor, or the local Ordinary, or a priest delegated by either of them cannot be had, for the quieting of conscience and (if the case requires it) the legitimization of a child, marriage can be contracted validly and licitly before any priest and two witnesses. VIII.—If it should happen that in a certain region the pastor or the local Ordinary, or a priest delegated by them, before whom a marriage can be celebrated, cannot be had, and this state of affairs has already continued for a month, marriage can be validly and licitly entered into by the formal consent of the spouses before two witnesses. IX.—1. When the marriage has been celebrated, the pastor, or whoever bears his duties, is to immediately inscribe in the book of marriages the names of the spouses and of the witnesses, the place and the day of the celebration, and the other things, according to the manner prescribed in the ritual books or by the proper Ordinary; and this holds true even if another priest, delegated either by himself or by the Ordinary, has assisted at the marriage. 2. Furthermore, let the pastor note also in the book of the baptized, that the wife has contracted a marriage on such and such a day in his parish. But if the wife was baptized elsewhere, the pastor must, either directly or through the episcopal curia, give notice to the pastor of the baptism that the contract has been entered into, so that the marriage may be entered in the book of baptism. 3. As often as marriage is contracted according to the norm of number VII or VIII, the priest (in the first case) or the witnesses (in the second) must take great care, together with the marriage partners, that the contracting of marriage be noted in the prescribed books as soon as possible. X.—Pastors who violate the norms prescribed above are to be punished by their Ordinaries in accordance with the manner and the gravity of the fault. Moreover, if they assist at any marriage against the prescriptions of sections 2 and 3 of number V, they may not keep the "stole" fees, but must remit them to the proper pastor of the marriage partners. XI.—1. All those baptized into the Catholic Church, or converted to her from heresy or schism (even if either of these have afterwards abandoned her), are bound by the laws decreed above as often as they shall enter into betrothal or marriage among themselves. 2. This remains the case even when such Catholics contract betrothal or marriage with either baptized or unbaptized non-Catholics, after obtaining a dispensation from the impediment of mixed religion or of disparity of cult; unless the Holy See has declared otherwise for some particular place or region. 3. Non-Catholics, whether baptized or unbaptized, if they marry among themselves, are in no way bound to observe the Catholic form of betrothal or marriage. Let the present decree be considered legitimately published and promulgated by its transmission to the local Ordinaries: and let those things which have been established therein begin everywhere to have force of law on the solemnity of Easter, the Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ next year, 1908. But meanwhile, let all the local Ordinaries take care that this decree be published in the vernacular as soon as possible, and in all the parish churches of their own dioceses be explained, that it may be rightly know by all. These present decrees will be valid by the special mandate of our Most Holy Lord Pope Pius X, all contrary decrees, even those worthy o f special mention, notwithstanding. Give at Rome on August 10, 1907. Vincent Cardinal, Bishop of Palestrina, Prefect. C. De Lai, Secretary. |
Fethard boycott recalled
In an article from The Mayo News dated 23 May 2007, it recalls:
May has been a memorable month in Ireland. Who would have believed, some years ago, that the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin would agree to work in government in Northern Ireland; or that Dr Ian Paisley and An Taoiseach, Mr Bertie Ahern, would make a joint visit to the site of the Battle of the Boyne as a mark of reconciliation?
Mr Ahern’s address to the Houses of Parliament in London followed these ground-breaking events and expressed abundantly the present amicable state of Anglo-Irish relations.
In his play, The Cure at Troy, Seamus Heaney writes:
“History says, don’t hope
On this side of the grave.
But then, once in a lifetime
The longed-for tidal wave
Of justice can rise up,
And hope and history rhyme.”
Hope and history have rhymed in Ireland in recent weeks.
What a contrast with an unsavoury incident in the small Wexford village of Fethard-on-Sea 50 years ago. A drama that attracted national and international headlines centred on the lives of a young married couple, Seán and Sheila Cloney. Seán was a Roman Catholic and Sheila a member of the Church of Ireland. When they married, Sheila, under some duress, agreed to the terms of the Ne Temere papal decree which insisted that children of a mixed marriage be brought up as Roman Catholics.
By 1957, their eldest daughter, Eileen, was of school-going age. They also had a younger daughter, Mary. The parish priest, Fr Laurence Allen, visited the home and ordered them to send Eileen to the local Catholic school. Sheila, a high-spirited woman, resented this pressure as she felt a deep sense of injustice about the provisions of the Ne Temere decree.
In late April Sheila left home, without informing her husband, and went to Belfast with the two girls. Some days later a Belfast barrister, Desmond Toal, went to Fethard-on-Sea to inform Seán Cloney of the whereabouts of his wife and children. He also told him she was prepared to return to him only if he sold the farm and emigrated. Seán refused and began legal proceedings for the return of his children.
The private difficulties of a married couple then escalated into a public row. The curate of the parish, Fr William Stafford, announced a boycott of local Protestant business from the altar at Sunday Mass. Catholics stopped patronising the two local Protestant shops; the Catholic teacher left the Protestant school; the Protestant music teacher lost her pupils; Protestant farmers could not sell their produce or find Catholic workers to help on their farm. Time Magazine announced an addition to the English language - ‘fethardism: meaning to practice boycott on religious lines’.
The row deepened when the boycott was supported by a leading member of the Catholic hierarchy. The then Bishop of Galway, Dr Michael Browne, a man not noted for the subtlety of his views, told a meeting in Wexford: “There seems to be a concerted campaign to entice or kidnap Catholic children and deprive them of their faith. Non-Catholics, with one or two honourable exceptions do not protest against the crime of conspiring to steal the children of a Catholic father. But they try to make political capital when a Catholic people make a peaceful and moderate protest.”
A Catholic barrister, and later judge, Mr Donal Barrington, counteracted this Episcopal view by calling the boycott ‘the most terrible thing that has happened in this country since the Civil War’. The then Taoiseach, Mr Eamon de Valera, made a dignified statement to the Dáil, calling for an end to the hostilities.
“If, as head of the Government, I must speak, I can only say from what has appeared in public that I regard this boycott as ill-conceived, ill-considered and futile for the achievement of the purpose for which it seems to have been intended, that I regard it as unjust and cruel to confound the innocent with the guilty, that I repudiate any suggestion that this boycott is typical of the attitude or conduct of our people and that I beg of all, who have regard for the fair name, good repute and well-being of our nation, to use their influence to bring this deplorable affair to a speedy end.”
His powerful words had an effect. The boycott was called off and Seán and Sheila Cloney were reconciled.
As I implied at the opening of this article, we have moved on in Ireland. We still face grave problems in church and society. Perhaps we can now bring the patience, imagination and creative intelligence that characterised the conduct of the peace process to their resolution?
May has been a memorable month in Ireland. Who would have believed, some years ago, that the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin would agree to work in government in Northern Ireland; or that Dr Ian Paisley and An Taoiseach, Mr Bertie Ahern, would make a joint visit to the site of the Battle of the Boyne as a mark of reconciliation?
Mr Ahern’s address to the Houses of Parliament in London followed these ground-breaking events and expressed abundantly the present amicable state of Anglo-Irish relations.
In his play, The Cure at Troy, Seamus Heaney writes:
“History says, don’t hope
On this side of the grave.
But then, once in a lifetime
The longed-for tidal wave
Of justice can rise up,
And hope and history rhyme.”
Hope and history have rhymed in Ireland in recent weeks.
What a contrast with an unsavoury incident in the small Wexford village of Fethard-on-Sea 50 years ago. A drama that attracted national and international headlines centred on the lives of a young married couple, Seán and Sheila Cloney. Seán was a Roman Catholic and Sheila a member of the Church of Ireland. When they married, Sheila, under some duress, agreed to the terms of the Ne Temere papal decree which insisted that children of a mixed marriage be brought up as Roman Catholics.
By 1957, their eldest daughter, Eileen, was of school-going age. They also had a younger daughter, Mary. The parish priest, Fr Laurence Allen, visited the home and ordered them to send Eileen to the local Catholic school. Sheila, a high-spirited woman, resented this pressure as she felt a deep sense of injustice about the provisions of the Ne Temere decree.
In late April Sheila left home, without informing her husband, and went to Belfast with the two girls. Some days later a Belfast barrister, Desmond Toal, went to Fethard-on-Sea to inform Seán Cloney of the whereabouts of his wife and children. He also told him she was prepared to return to him only if he sold the farm and emigrated. Seán refused and began legal proceedings for the return of his children.
The private difficulties of a married couple then escalated into a public row. The curate of the parish, Fr William Stafford, announced a boycott of local Protestant business from the altar at Sunday Mass. Catholics stopped patronising the two local Protestant shops; the Catholic teacher left the Protestant school; the Protestant music teacher lost her pupils; Protestant farmers could not sell their produce or find Catholic workers to help on their farm. Time Magazine announced an addition to the English language - ‘fethardism: meaning to practice boycott on religious lines’.
The row deepened when the boycott was supported by a leading member of the Catholic hierarchy. The then Bishop of Galway, Dr Michael Browne, a man not noted for the subtlety of his views, told a meeting in Wexford: “There seems to be a concerted campaign to entice or kidnap Catholic children and deprive them of their faith. Non-Catholics, with one or two honourable exceptions do not protest against the crime of conspiring to steal the children of a Catholic father. But they try to make political capital when a Catholic people make a peaceful and moderate protest.”
A Catholic barrister, and later judge, Mr Donal Barrington, counteracted this Episcopal view by calling the boycott ‘the most terrible thing that has happened in this country since the Civil War’. The then Taoiseach, Mr Eamon de Valera, made a dignified statement to the Dáil, calling for an end to the hostilities.
“If, as head of the Government, I must speak, I can only say from what has appeared in public that I regard this boycott as ill-conceived, ill-considered and futile for the achievement of the purpose for which it seems to have been intended, that I regard it as unjust and cruel to confound the innocent with the guilty, that I repudiate any suggestion that this boycott is typical of the attitude or conduct of our people and that I beg of all, who have regard for the fair name, good repute and well-being of our nation, to use their influence to bring this deplorable affair to a speedy end.”
His powerful words had an effect. The boycott was called off and Seán and Sheila Cloney were reconciled.
As I implied at the opening of this article, we have moved on in Ireland. We still face grave problems in church and society. Perhaps we can now bring the patience, imagination and creative intelligence that characterised the conduct of the peace process to their resolution?
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