Prelude to the Easter Rising of 1916

Prelude to the Easter Rising of 1916
The Signatories of the Proclamation

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Sunday, June 24, 2012

Michael Mallin Post 2

Michael Mallin: silk weaver Credit:Lorcan Collins
 
According to a recent article in Irishcentral.com: On the eve of the 1916 Rising, Michael Mallin played the flute in the four-piece Workers’ Orchestra during a recital for the Irish Citizen Army in Dublin’s Liberty Hall. The next morning, Easter Monday, the planned rebellion began and Mallin commanded a garrison in St Stephen’s Green and, later, the College of Surgeons. As he prepared to lead out his men, Mallin, father to four young children and husband to a pregnant wife, turned to James O’Shea and, foreseeing his end, said: “We will be dead in a short time.”

Many of the 1916 leaders, including James Connolly, Patrick Pearse and Eamon de Valera, are seen as founding fathers of the Irish State. But Mallin, who became Chief-of-Staff – and second-in-command to James Connolly – of the Irish Citizen Army and was executed by firing squad for his role in the Rising, has been relegated to a footnote.

In a new biography – the first in a projected 16 Lives series by the O’Brien Press to publish biographies, between now and the centenary, of all 16 men executed after the Rising – historian Brian Hughes offers a vivid insight into a forgotten figure.

Short and dapper, Michael Mallin was a music teacher, devout Catholic and teetotaler who spoke in a gentle voice. He loved reading the history of South American and ancient Europe as well as the novels of Joseph Conrad. But he was also strict, impatient and frustrated by those whose commitment and discipline fell short of the high standards he set for himself. He had a strong sense of right and wrong, disliked swearing and his political and religious beliefs were easily offended.

Mallin was born in a tenement in the Liberties area of Dublin in 1874 at a time when whole families frequently lived in a single room. At 14, he joined the British army. While serving in India, his political beliefs changed dramatically. He began to sympathise with the rebels the British army were fighting and, in parallel, he believed that British rule in Ireland could only be removed by physical force.

Back in Dublin at the turn of the century, Mallin worked in various jobs – including setting up a chicken farm and opening a cinema – but his time as a silk weaver proved most significant. As secretary of the Silk Weavers’ Trade Union, he helped them strike for four months until their demands were met.

Shortly after, James Connolly appointed Mallin as Chief-of-Staff of the Irish Citizen Army, set up to defend striking workers against the Dublin Metropolitan Police (DMP).

Mallin’s exclusion to the margins of the Rising’s history partly stems from two factors. The first relates to his failure as a garrison leader. Occupying St Stephen’s Green, an open park with almost no shelter, was militarily questionable but ordering his men to dig trenches – possibly influenced by newsreel from the first World War – was pure folly.

Worse, Mallin didn’t attempt to take the nearby Shelbourne Hotel. When the British occupied this building, they pounded the rebels in the Green and Mallin retreated to the College of Surgeons. But, barely one week after the start of the Rising and subdued by the British onslaught, Mallin surrendered – breaking down as he read the order.

Like most of the other garrisons, as Mallin’s men were marched to Dublin Castle by British soldiers they were jeered by Dublin citizens outraged by this attack on their city in what was seen as a cowardly betrayal of Irish men fighting on the Western Front. (By 1918, over 200,000 Irish men would fight and almost 30,000 would lose their lives in the first World War.) On Grafton Street, an angry mob attacked Mallin’s garrison and a British officer threatened to shoot the protesters before they finally withdrew.

On May 5 1916, Michael Mallin’s field general court martial took place. His conduct during this is the second reason the Dubliner has been largely written out of Irish history. During his defence, Mallin claimed that he had no prior knowledge of the Rising; that, when he arrived at the Green, Countess Markievicz ordered him to take charge of the garrison.

This was a blatant fabrication: Markievicz was, in fact, Mallin’s deputy in the Green (she actually wore an old Citizen Army tunic of Mallin’s). In a desperate attempt to avoid the death sentence, Mallin probably reasoned that the British would not, because of her gender, shoot Markievicz but it was a very risky gamble and, as Hughes suggests, “particularly dishonourable”.

In September 1916, under the headline “Destitution Killing Irish”, the New York American newspaper published a letter written by Mallin, on the evening before his execution, to Alderman Thomas Kelly.

The article aimed to raise funds in the US for the dependants of those killed during the Rising and the letter places Mallin’s treacherous behavior during his court martial in context.

“I have left my wife and children absolutely destitute,” he writes inconsolably, and Hughes argues that this was Mallin’s primary motivation in seeking to mislead the jury. While the letters of more celebrated 1916 leaders, written as they awaited the firing squad, emphasize their commitment to die for Ireland, Mallin’s reek of a humanity and awareness informed by the burden of his imminent death on his family.

Before his execution at Kilmainham Gaol in the early morning of May 8th, Mallin wrote to his wife that “this is the end of all things earthly” and touchingly enclosed the buttons of his tunic. The letter profoundly shaped the lives of his young son and daughter. Mallin asked his wife to dedicate Joseph and Una to the church and they subsequently joined the Jesuit and Loreto order, respectively.

If you take a train through south Dublin, you’ll pass Dun Laoghaire railway station. The station is officially called ‘Mallin Station’ but, tellingly, this title is almost never used. In a compassionate biography, Brian Hughes helps bring an unfairly neglected figure of Irish history alive on the page.

‘Michael Mallin’ is available from the O’Brien Press website: http://www.obrien.ie/

 
British soldiers opposite Liberty Hall after the suppression of the Rising. A flute, believed to have been played by Mallin before the Rising, was found in Liberty Hall when the building was searched by British soldiers. Credit: Lorcan Collins.

Saturday, June 23, 2012

The Twelfth Dáil

This is a list of the members who were elected to the 12th Dáil Éireann, the lower house of the Oireachtas (legislature) of Ireland. These TDs (Members of Parliament) were elected at the 1944 general election on 30 May 1944 and met on 9 June 1944. The 12th Dáil was dissolved by President Seán T. O'Kelly, at the request of the Taoiseach Éamon de Valera on 12 January 1948. The 12th Dáil lasted 1,345 days.

As of 2011, Liam Cosgrave is the only surviving member of the 12th Dáil, as well as the 11th, and is consequently the earliest surviving TD.

The list of the 138 TDs elected, is given in alphabetical order by constituency.
Members of the 12th Dáil
Constituency Name Party
Athlone–Longford Thomas Carter
Fianna Fáil
Erskine H. Childers
Fianna Fáil
Seán Mac Eoin
Fine Gael
Carlow–Kildare Thomas Harris
Fianna Fáil
James Hughes
Fine Gael
Francis Humphreys
Fianna Fáil
William Norton
Labour Party
Cavan Patrick O'Reilly
Clann na Talmhan
Tom O'Reilly
Independent
Michael Sheridan
Fianna Fáil
Paddy Smith
Fianna Fáil
Clare Patrick Burke
Fine Gael
Thomas Burke
Independent
Éamon de Valera
Fianna Fáil
Seán O'Grady
Fianna Fáil
Peter O'Loghlen
Fianna Fáil
Cork Borough Richard Anthony
Independent
Frank Daly
Fianna Fáil
William Dwyer
Independent
Walter Furlong
Fianna Fáil
Cork North Patrick Halliden
Clann na Talmhan
Patrick McAuliffe
Labour Party
Seán Moylan
Fianna Fáil
Leo Skinner
Fianna Fáil
Cork South–East William Broderick
Fine Gael
Martin Corry
Fianna Fáil
Seán McCarthy
Fianna Fáil
Cork West Seán Buckley
Fianna Fáil
Timothy J. Murphy
Labour Party
Patrick O'Driscoll
Clann na Talmhan
Eamonn O'Neill
Fine Gael
Timothy O'Sullivan
Fianna Fáil
Donegal East Neal Blaney
Fianna Fáil
John Friel
Fianna Fáil
Daniel McMenamin
Fine Gael
William Sheldon
Independent
Donegal West Brian Brady
Fianna Fáil
Cormac Breslin
Fianna Fáil
Michael Óg McFadden
Fine Gael
Dublin County Seán Brady
Fianna Fáil
Patrick Burke
Fianna Fáil
Liam Cosgrave
Fine Gael
Henry Dockrell
Fine Gael
Patrick Fogarty
Fianna Fáil
Dublin North–East Alfred Byrne
Independent
Harry Colley
Fianna Fáil
Oscar Traynor
Fianna Fáil
Dublin North–West Cormac Breathnach
Fianna Fáil
Patrick McGilligan
Fine Gael
John O'Connor
Fianna Fáil
Seán T. O'Kelly
Fianna Fáil
Martin O'Sullivan
Labour Party
Dublin South Robert Briscoe
Fianna Fáil
Maurice E. Dockrell
Fine Gael
Peadar Doyle
Fine Gael
James Larkin, Jnr
Labour Party
Seán Lemass
Fianna Fáil
James Lynch
Fianna Fáil
John McCann
Fianna Fáil
Dublin Townships Bernard Butler
Fianna Fáil
John A. Costello
Fine Gael
Seán MacEntee
Fianna Fáil
Galway East Patrick Beegan
Fianna Fáil
Frank Fahy
Ceann Comhairle
Michael Donnellan
Clann na Talmhan
Mark Killilea, Snr
Fianna Fáil
Galway West Gerald Bartley
Fianna Fáil
Michael Lydon
Fianna Fáil
Joseph Mongan
Fine Gael
Kerry North Patrick Finucane
Clann na Talmhan
Eamonn Kissane
Fianna Fáil
Tom McEllistrim
Fianna Fáil
Dan Spring
National Labour Party
Kerry South Frederick Crowley
Fianna Fáil
John Healy
Fianna Fáil
Fionán Lynch
Fine Gael
Kilkenny Eamonn Coogan
Fine Gael
Thomas Derrig
Fianna Fáil
James Pattison
National Labour Party
Leitrim Stephen Flynn
Fianna Fáil
Bernard Maguire
Independent
Mary Reynolds
Fine Gael
Leix–Offaly Patrick Boland
Fianna Fáil
William Davin
Labour Party
Patrick Gorry
Fianna Fáil
Thomas F. O'Higgins
Fine Gael
Oliver J. Flanagan
Independent
Limerick George C. Bennett
Fine Gael
Daniel Bourke
Fianna Fáil
Michael Colbert
Fianna Fáil
Michael Keyes
Labour Party
Donnchadh Ó Briain
Fianna Fáil
James Reidy
Fine Gael
Robert Ryan
Fianna Fáil
Louth Frank Aiken
Fianna Fáil
James Coburn
Fine Gael
Laurence Walsh
Fianna Fáil
Mayo North Patrick Browne
Fine Gael
James Kilroy
Fianna Fáil
P. J. Ruttledge
Fianna Fáil
Mayo South Joseph Blowick
Clann na Talmhan
Dominick Cafferky
Clann na Talmhan
Micheál Clery
Fianna Fáil
Micheál Ó Móráin
Fianna Fáil
Richard Walsh
Fianna Fáil
Meath–Westmeath Charles Fagan
Fine Gael
Patrick Giles
Fine Gael
Michael Hilliard
Fianna Fáil
Michael Kennedy
Fianna Fáil
Matthew O'Reilly
Fianna Fáil
Monaghan James Dillon
Independent
Bridget Rice
Fianna Fáil
Conn Ward
Fianna Fáil
Roscommon John Beirne, Snr
Clann na Talmhan
Gerald Boland
Fianna Fáil
Daniel O'Rourke
Fianna Fáil
Sligo Martin Brennan
Fianna Fáil
Martin Roddy
Fine Gael
Patrick Rogers
Fine Gael
Tipperary Dan Breen
Fianna Fáil
Andrew Fogarty
Fianna Fáil
Frank Loughman
Fianna Fáil
Daniel Morrissey
Fine Gael
Richard Mulcahy
Fine Gael
William O'Donnell
Clann na Talmhan
Mary Ryan
Fianna Fáil
Waterford Denis Heskin
Clann na Talmhan
Patrick Little
Fianna Fáil
Michael Morrissey
Fianna Fáil
Bridget Redmond
Fine Gael
Wexford Denis Allen
Fianna Fáil
Richard Corish
Labour Party
John Keating
Fine Gael
John O'Leary
National Labour Party
James Ryan
Fianna Fáil
Wicklow Thomas Brennan
Fianna Fáil
Patrick Cogan
Clann na Talmhan
James Everett
National Labour Party

Changes

Date Constituency
Gain
Loss Note
10 November 1944 Kerry South
Fianna Fáil
Fine Gael Donal O'Donoghue (FF) wins the seat vacated by the appointment of Fionán Lynch (FG) as a judge.
4 December 1945 Clare
Fianna Fáil
Fine Gael Patrick Shanahan (FF) wins the seat vacated by the death of Patrick Burke (FG)
4 December 1945 Dublin North–West
Fianna Fáil
Fianna Fáil Vivion de Valera (FF) holds the seat vacated by Seán T. O'Kelly (FF) on his election to the Presidency
4 December 1945 Kerry South
Fianna Fáil
Fianna Fáil Honor Crowley (FF) holds the seat vacated by the death of her husband Frederick Crowley (FF)
4 December 1945 Mayo South
Clann na Talmhan
Fianna Fáil Bernard Commons (CnaT) wins the seat vacated by the appointment of Micheál Clery (FF) as County Registrar of Dublin
4 December 1945 Wexford
Labour Party
Labour Party Brendan Corish (Lab) holds the seat vacated by the death of his father Richard Corish (Lab)
14 June 1946 Cork Borough
Fianna Fáil
Independent Patrick McGrath (FF) wins the seat vacated by the resignation of William Dwyer (Ind)
29 October 1947 Dublin County
Clann na Poblachta
Fianna Fáil Seán MacBride (CnaP) wins the seat vacated by the death of Patrick Fogarty (FF)
29 October 1947 Tipperary
Clann na Poblachta
Clann na Talmhan Patrick Kinane (CnaP) wins the seat vacated by the death of William O'Donnell (CnaT)
29 October 1947 Waterford
Fianna Fáil
Fianna Fáil John Ormonde (FF) holds the seat vacated by the death of Michael Morrissey (FF)

Eamon de Valera's Response to Winston Churchill

As transcribed by http://www.thephora.net, the following is from their website: 

"Three days later, de Valera, in a much anticipated reply, outlined Ireland's right as an independent state to remain neutral. His response was praised widely in Ireland for its strength, dignity and restraint."

"I have here before me the pencilled notes from which I broadcast to you on 3 September 1939. I had so many other things to do on that day that I could not find time to piece them together into a connected statement. From these notes I see that I said that noting the march of events your Government had decided its policy the previous spring, and had announced its decision to the world.

The aim of our policy, I said, would to keep our people out of the war. I reminded you of what I had said in the Dail that in our circumstances, with our history and our experience after the last war and with a part of our country still unjustly severed from us; no other policy was possible.


Certain newspapers have been very persistent in looking for my answer to Mr. Churchill's recent broadcast . I know the kind of answer I am expected to make. I know the answer that first springs to the lips of every man of Irish blood who heard or read that speech, no matter in what circumstances or in what part of the world he found himself.


I know the reply I would have given a quarter of a century ago. But I have deliberately decided that that is not the reply I shall make tonight. I shall strive not to be guilty of adding any fuel to the flames of hatred and passion which, if continued to be fed, promise to burn up whatever is left by the war of decent human feeling in Europe.


Allowances can be made for Mr. Churchill's statement, however unworthy, in the first flush of his victory. No such excuse could be found for me in this quieter atmosphere. There are, however some things which it is my duty to say, some things which it is essential to say. I shall try to say them as dispassionately as I can.


Mr. Churchill makes it clear that, in certain circumstances, he would have violated our neutrality and that he would justify his action by Britain's necessity. It seems strange to me that Mr. Churchill does not see that this, if accepted, would mean Britain's necessity would become a moral code and that when this necessity became sufficiently great, other people's rights were not to count.


It is quite true that other great Powers believe in this same code-in their own regard-and have behaved in accordance with it. That is precisely why we have the disastrous succession of wars-World War No. 1 and World War No. 2-and shall it be World War No. 3?


Surely Mr. Churchill must see that if his contention be admitted in our regard, a like justification can be framed for similar acts of aggression elsewhere and no small nation adjoining a great Power could ever hope to be permitted to go it own way in peace.


It is indeed fortunate that Britain's necessity did not reach the point when Mr. Churchill would have acted. All credit to him that he successfully resisted the temptation which, I have not doubt, may times assailed him in his difficulties and to which I freely admit many leaders might have easily succumbed. It is indeed; hard for the strong to be just to the weak, but acting justly always has its rewards.


By resisting his temptation in this instance, Mr. Churchill, instead of adding another horrid chapter to the already bloodstained record of the relations between England and this country, has advanced the cause of international morality an important step-one of the most important, indeed, that can be taken on the road to the establishment of any sure basis for peace.


As far as the peoples of these two islands are concerned, it may, perhaps, mark a fresh beginning towards the realisation of that mutual comprehension to which Mr. Churchill has referred for which, I hope, he will not merely pray but work also, as did his predecessor who will yet, I believe, find the honoured place in British history which is due to him, as certainly he will find it in any fair record of the relations between Britain and ourselves.


That Mr. Churchill should be irritated when our neutrality stood in the way of what he thought he vitally needed, I understand, but that he or any thinking person in Britain or elsewhere should fail to see the reason for our neutrality, I find it hard to conceive.


I would like to put a hypothetical question-it is a question I have put to many Englishmen since the last war. Suppose Germany had won the war, had invaded and occupied England, and that after a long lapse of time and many bitter struggles, she was finally brought to acquiesce in admitting England's right to freedom, and let England go, but not the whole of England, all but, let us say, the six southern counties.


These six southern counties, those, let us suppose, commanding the entrance to the narrow seas, Germany had singled out and insisted on holding herself with a view to weakening England as a whole, and maintaining the securing of her own communications through the Straits of Dover.


Let us suppose further, that after all this had happened, Germany was engaged in a great war in which she could show that she was on the side of freedom of a number of small nations, would Mr. Churchill as an Englishman who believed that his own nation had as good a right to freedom as any other, not freedom for a part merely, but freedom for the whole--would he, whilst Germany still maintained the partition of his country and occupied six counties of it, would he lead this partitioned England to join with Germany in a crusade? I do not think Mr. Churchill would.


Would he think the people of partitioned England an object of shame if they stood neutral in such circumstances? I do not think Mr. Churchill would.


Mr. Churchill is proud of Britain's stand alone, after France had fallen and before America entered the War.


Could he not find in his heart the generosity to acknowledge that there is a small nation that stood alone not for one year or two, but for several hundred years against aggression; that endured spoliations, famines, massacres in endless succession; that was clubbed many times into insensibility, but that each time on returning consciousness took up the fight anew; a small nation that could never be got to accept defeat and has never surrendered her soul?


Mr. Churchill is justly proud of his nation's perseverance against heavy odds. But we in this island are still prouder of our people's perseverance for freedom through all the centuries. We, of our time, have played our part in the perseverance, and we have pledged our selves to the dead generations who have preserved intact for us this glorious heritage, that we, too, will strive to be faithful to the end, and pass on this tradition unblemished.


Many a time in the past there appeared little hope except that hope to which Mr. Churchill referred, that by standing fast a time would come when, to quote his own words: "…the tyrant would make some ghastly mistake which would alter the whole balance of the struggle."


I sincerely trust, however, that it is not thus our ultimate unity and freedom will be achieved, though as a younger man I confess I prayed even for that, and indeed at times saw not other.


In latter years, I have had a vision of a nobler and better ending, better for both our people and for the future of mankind. For that I have now been long working. I regret that it is not to this nobler purpose that Mr. Churchill is lending his hand rather than, by the abuse of a people who have done him no wrong, trying to find in a crisis like the present excuse for continuing the injustice of the mutilation of our country.


I sincerely hope that Mr. Churchill has not deliberately chosen the latter course but, if he has, however regretfully we may say it, we can only say, be it so.


Meanwhile, even as a partitioned small nation, we shall go on and strive to play our part in the world continuing unswervingly to work for the cause of true freedom and for peace and understanding."

Winston Churchill's Victory Speech 13 May 1945

The 11th Dáil ended on 9 May 1944, D-Day was a month away, and World War II was slowly coming to an end. At the end of WWII, Winston Churchill chastised Ireland for its neutrality stance during the war. The following is the speech delivered by Mr. Churchill as transcribed by http://www.thephora.net. 

"It was five years ago on Thursday last that His Majesty the King commissioned me to form a National Government of all parties to carry on our affairs. Five years is a long time in human life, especially when there is no remission for good conduct. However, aided - by loyal and capable colleagues and sustained by the entire British nation at home and all our fighting men abroad, and with the unswerving cooperation of the Dominions far across the oceans and of our Empire in every quarter of the globe, it became clear last week that things had worked out pretty well and that the British Commonwealth and Empire stands more united and more effectively powerful than at any time in its long romantic history. Certainly we were in a far better state to cope with the problems and perils of the future than we were five years ago.

For a while our prime enemy, our mighty enemy, Germany, overran almost all Europe. France, who bore such a frightful strain in the last great war was beaten to the ground and took some time to recover. The Low Countries, fighting to the best of their strength, were subjugated. Norway was overrun. Mussolini's Italy stabbed us in the back when we were, as he thought, at our last gasp. But for ourselves, our lot, I mean the British Commonwealth and Empire, we were absolutely alone.


In July, August, and September, 1940, forty or fifty squadrons of British fighter aircraft broke the teeth of the German air fleet at odds of seven or eight to one in the Battle of Britain. Never before in the history of human conflict was so much owed by so many to so few. The name of Air Chief Marshal Lord Dowding will ever be linked with this splendid event. But conjoined with the Royal Air Force lay the Royal Navy, ever ready to tear to pieces the barges, gathered from the canals of Holland and Belgium, in which an invading army could alone have been transported. I was never one to believe that the invasion of Britain would be an easy task. With the autumn storms, the immediate danger of invasion in 1940 had passed.


Then began the blitz, when Hitler said he would rub out our cities. This was borne without a word of complaint or the slightest signs of flinching, while a very large number of people - honor to them all - proved that London could take it and so could the other ravaged centers.


But the dawn of 1941 revealed us still in jeopardy. The hostile aircraft could fly across the approaches to our island, where 46,000,000 people had to import half their daily bread and all the materials they need for peace or war, from Brest to Norway in a single flight or back again, observing all the movements of our shipping in and out of the Clyde and Mersey and directing upon our convoys the large and increasing numbers of U-boats with which the enemy bespattered the Atlantic - the survivors or successors of which are now being collected in British harbors.


The sense of envelopment, which might at any moment turn to strangulation, lay heavy upon us. We had only the northwestern approach between Ulster and Scotland through which to bring in the means of life and to send out the forces of war. Owing to the action of Mr. de Valera, so much at variance with the temper and instinct of thousands of southern Irishmen, who hastened to the battlefront to prove their ancient valor, the approaches which the southern Irish ports and airfields could so easily have guarded were closed by the hostile aircraft and U-boats.


This was indeed a deadly moment in our life, and if it had not been for the loyalty and friendship of Northern Ireland we should have been forced to come to close quarters with Mr. de Valera or perish forever from the earth. However, with a restraint and poise to which, I say, history will find few parallels, we never laid a violent hand upon them, which at times would have been quite easy and quite natural, and left the de Valera Government to frolic with the German and later with the Japanese representatives to their heart's content.


When I think of these days I think also of other episodes and personalities. I do not forget Lieutenant-Commander Esmonde, V.C., D.S.O., Lance-Corporal Keneally, V.C., Captain Fegen, V.C., and other Irish heroes that I could easily recite, and all bitterness by Britain for the Irish race dies in my heart. I can only pray that in years which I shall not see the shame will be forgotten and the glories will endure, and that the peoples of the British Isles and of the British Commonwealth of Nations will walk together in mutual comprehension and forgiveness.


My friends, we will not forget the devotion of our merchant seamen, the vast, inventive, adaptive, all-embracing and, in the end, all-controlling power of the Royal Navy, with its ever more potent new ally, the air, which have kept the life-line open. We were able to breathe; we were able to live; we were able to strike. Dire deeds we had to do. The destruction or capture of the French fleet which, had it ever passed into German hands would, together with the Italian fleet, have perhaps enabled the German Navy to face us on the high seas. The dispatch to Wavell all round the Cape at our darkest hour, of tanks - practically all we had in the island - enabled us as far back as November, 1940, to defend Egypt against invasion and hurl back with the loss of a quarter of a million captives the Italian armies at whose tail Mussolini had planned a ride into Cairo or Alexandria.


Great anxiety was felt by President Roosevelt, and indeed by thinking men throughout the United States, about what would happen to us in the early part of 1941. This great President felt to the depth of his being that the destruction of Britain would not only be a fearful event in itself, but that it would expose to mortal danger the vast and as yet largely unarmed potentialities and future destiny of the United States.


He feared greatly that we should be invaded in that spring of 1941, and no doubt he had behind him military advice as good as any in the world, and he sent his recent Presidential opponent, Mr. Wendell Willkie, to me with a letter in which he had written in his own hand the famous lines of Longfellow, which I quoted in the House of Commons the other day:
Sail on, O Ship of State!
Sail on, O Union strong and great!
Humanity with all its fears,
With all the hopes of future years,
Is hanging breathless on thy fate!
We were in a fairly tough condition by the early months of 1941 and felt very much better about ourselves than in the months immediately after the collapse of France. Our Dunkirk army and field force troops in Britain, almost a million strong, were nearly all equipped or re-equipped. We had ferried over the Atlantic a million rifles and a thousand cannon from the United States, with all their ammunition, since the previous June.

In our munition works, which were becoming very powerful, men and women had worked at their machines till they dropped senseless with fatigue. Nearly one million of men, growing to two millions at the peak, working all day had been formed into the Home Guard, armed at least with rifles and armed also with the spirit "Conquer or Die."


Later in 1941, when we were still all alone, we sacrificed, to some extent unwillingly, our conquests of the winter in Cyrenaica and Libya in order to stand by Greece, and Greece will never forget how much we gave, albeit unavailingly, of the little we had. We did this for honor. We repressed the German-instigated rising in Iraq. We defended Palestine. With the assistance of General de Gaulle's indomitable Free French we cleared Syria and the Lebanon of Vichyites and of German intrigue. And then in June, 1941, another tremendous world event occurred.


You have no doubt noticed in your reading of British history that we have sometimes had to hold out all alone, or to be the mainspring of coalitions, against a Continental tyrant or dictator for quite a long time - against the Spanish Armada, against the might of Louis XIV, when we led Europe for nearly twenty-five years under William III and Marlborough and 130 years ago, when Pitt, Wellington, and Nelson broke Napoleon, not without the assistance of the heroic Russians of 1812. In all these world wars our island kept the lead of Europe or else held out alone.


And if you hold out alone long enough there always comes a time when the tyrant makes some ghastly mistake which alters the whole balance of the struggle. On June 22, 1941, Hitler, master as he thought himself of all Europe, nay indeed soon to be, he thought, master of the world, treacherously, without warning, without the slightest provocation, hurled himself on Russia and came face to face with Marshal Stalin and the numberless millions of the Russian people. And then at the end of the year Japan struck her felon blow at the United States at Pearl Harbor, and at the same time attacked us in Malaya and at Singapore. Thereupon Hitler and Mussolini declared war on the republic of the United States.


Years have passed since then. Indeed every year seems to me almost a decade. But never since the United States entered the war have I had the slightest doubt but that we should be saved and that we had only to do our duty in order to win. We have played our part in all this process by which the evildoers have been overthrown. I hope I do not speak vain or boastful words. But from Alamein in October, 1942, through the Anglo-American invasion of North Africa, of Sicily and of Italy, with the capture of Rome, we marched many miles and never knew defeat.


And then last year, after two years' patient preparation and marvelous devices of amphibious warfare - in my view our scientists are not surpassed by any nation, specially when their thought is applied to naval matters - last year on June 6 we seized a carefully selected little toe of German-occupied France and poured millions in from this island and from across the Atlantic until the Seine, the Somme, and the Rhine all fell behind the advancing Anglo-American spearheads. France was liberated. She produced a fine Army of gallant men to aid her own liberation. Germany lay open.


And now from the other side, from the East, the mighty military achievements of the Russian people, always holding many more German troops on their front than we could do, rolled forward to meet us in the heart and center of Germany. At the same time in Italy Field-Marshal Alexander's Army of so many nations, the largest part of which was British or British Empire, struck their final blow and compelled more than 1,000,000 enemy troops to surrender. This Fifteenth Army Group, as we call it, are now deep in Austria joining their right hand with the Russians and their left with the United States Armies under General Eisenhower's command.


It happened that in three days we received the news of the unlamented departures of Mussolini and Hitler, and in three days also surrenders were made to Field-Marshal Alexander and Field-Marshal Montgomery of over 2,500,000 soldiers of this terrible warlike German Army.


I shall make it clear at this moment that we have never failed to recognize the immense superiority of the power used by the United States in the rescue of France and the defeat of Germany.


For our part we have had in action about one-third as many men as the Americans, but we have taken our full share of the fighting, as the scale of our losses shows. Our Navy has borne incomparably the heavier burden in the Atlantic Ocean, in the narrow seas and Arctic convoys to Russia, while the United States Navy has used its massive strength mainly against Japan. It is right and natural that we should extol the virtues and glorious services of our own most famous commanders, Alexander and Montgomery, neither of whom was ever defeated since they began together at Alamein, both of whom had conducted in Africa, in Italy, in Normandy and in Germany battles of the first magnitude and of decisive consequences. At the same time we know how great is our debt to the combining and unifying of the command and high strategic direction of General Eisenhower.


Here is the moment when I must pay my personal tribute to the British Chiefs of the Staff with whom I have worked in the closest intimacy throughout these hard years. There have been very few changes in this powerful and capable body of men who, sinking all Service differences and judging the problems of the war as a whole, have worked together in the closest harmony with each other. In Field-Marshal Brooke, Admiral Pound, Admiral Andrew Cunningham, and Marshal of the R.A.F. Portal a power was formed who deserved the highest honor in the direction of the whole British war strategy and its agreement with that of our Allies.


It may well be said that never have the forces of two nations fought side by side and intermingled into line of battle with so much unity, comradeship, and brotherhood as in the great Anglo-American army. Some people say, "Well, what would you expect, if both nations speak the same language and have the same outlook upon life with all its hope and glory." Others may say, "It would be an ill day for all the world and for the pair of them if they did not go on working together and marching together and sailing together and flying together wherever something has to be done for the sake of freedom and fair play all over the world."


There was one final danger from which the collapse of Germany has saved us. In London and the southeastern counties we have suffered for a year from various forms of flying bombs and rockets and our Air Force and our Ack-Ack Batteries have done wonders against them. In particular the Air Force, turned on in good time on what then seemed very slight and doubtful evidence, vastly hampered and vastly delayed all German preparations.


But it was only when our Armies cleaned up the coast and overran all the points of discharge, and when the Americans captured vast stores of rockets of all kinds near Leipzig, and when the preparations being made on the coasts of France and Holland could be examined in detail, that we knew how grave was the peril, not only from rockets and flying bombs but from multiple long-range artillery.


Only just in time did the Allied Armies blast the viper in his nest. Otherwise the autumn of 1944, to say nothing of 1945, might well have seen London as shattered as Berlin. For the same period the Germans had prepared a new U-boat fleet and novel tactics which, though we should have eventually destroyed them, might well have carried anti-U-boat warfare back to the high peak days of 1942. Therefore we must rejoice and give thanks not only for our preservation when we were all alone but for our timely deliverance from new suffering, new perils not easily to be measured.


I wish I could tell you tonight that all our toils and troubles were over. Then indeed I could end my five years' service happily, and if you thought you had had enough of me and that I ought to be put out to grass, I assure you I would take it with the best of grace. But, on the contrary, I must warn you, as I did when I began this five years' task - and no one knew then that it would last so long - that there is still a lot to do and that you must be prepared for further efforts of mind and body and further sacrifices to great causes if you are not to fall back into the rut of inertia, the confusion of aim, and the craven fear of being great. You must not weaken in any way in your alert and vigilant frame of mind, and though holiday rejoicing is necessary to the human spirit, yet it must add to the strength and resilience with which every man and woman turns again to the work they have to do, and also to the outlook and watch they have to keep on public affairs.


On the continent of Europe we have yet to make sure that the simple and honorable purposes for which we entered the war are not brushed aside or overlooked in the months following our success, and that the words freedom, democracy, and liberation are not distorted from their true meaning as we have understood them. There would be little use in punishing the Hitlerites for their crimes if law and justice did not rule, and if totalitarian or police governments were to take the place of the German invaders.


We seek nothing for ourselves. But we must make sure that those causes which we fought for find recognition at the peace table in facts as well as words, and above all we must labor that the world organization which the United Nations are creating at San Francisco, does not become an idle name; does not become a shield for the strong and a mockery for the weak. It is the victors who must search their hearts in their glowing hours and be worthy by their nobility of the immense forces that they wield.


We must never forget that beyond all lurks Japan, harassed and failing but still a people of a hundred millions, for whose warriors death has few terrors. I cannot tell you tonight how much time or what exertions will be required to compel them to make amends for their odious treachery and cruelty. We have received - like China so long undaunted - we have received horrible injuries from them ourselves, and we are bound by the ties of honor and fraternal loyalty to the United States to fight this great war at the other end of the world at their side without flagging or failing.


We must remember that Australia, New Zealand, and Canada were and are all directly menaced by this evil Power. They came to our aid in our dark times, and we must not leave unfinished any task which concerns their safety and their future. I told you hard things at the beginning of these last five years; you did not shrink, and I should be unworthy of your confidence and generosity if I did not still cry, "Forward, unflinching, unswerving, indomitable, till the whole task is done and the whole world is safe and clean."

Members of the Eleventh Dáil - John O'Leary

John O'Leary (Wexford)

John (Johnny) O'Leary (born 1 September 1894 – 21 June 1959) was an Irish Labour Party party politician who served in the Oireachtas for nearly twenty years, first as TD for Wexford and then as a Senator.

He was first elected to the 11th Dáil in the 1943 general election for the constituency of Wexford. He was re-elected to 12th Dáil in the 1944 general election, to the 13th Dáil in 1948, to the 14th Dáil in 1951 and to the 15th Dáil in the 1954 general election.

O'Leary was defeated in the 1957 general election, but was elected to the 9th Seanad by the Administrative Panel.

Members of the Eleventh Dáil - Denis Heskin

Denis Heskin (17 February 1899 – 30 April 1975) was an Irish Clann na Talmhan politician. A farmer by profession, he was first elected to Dáil Éireann at the 1943 general election as a Clann na Talmhan Teachta Dála (TD) for the Waterford constituency and he was re-elected at the 1944 general election. He lost his seat at the 1948 general election.

Saturday, June 16, 2012

Members of the Eleventh Dáil - Richard Stapleton

 Richard Stapleton

Richard Stapleton (died 31 July 1949) was an Irish Labour Party politician. He was elected to Dáil Éireann as a Labour Party Teachta Dála (TD) for the Tipperary constituency at the 1943 general election. He lost his seat at the 1944 general election.